The peace process requires us to be calm and clear about the return to Ireland of the 'Colombia Three', writes Taoiseach Bertie Ahern. At the end of last month, the IRA announced an end to its armed campaign.
At the end of last month, the IRA announced an end to its armed campaign.
I welcomed that statement. If it is borne out by actions, it will indeed be a momentous and historic development that gives renewed momentum to the peace process.
I also said there would be challenges ahead. Events in recent days have proven that to be all too accurate.
The return of the three men from Colombia has caused enormous controversy and, in many quarters, anger. That is understandable. I am very mindful of the damage that this entire episode has done to the peace process, since the men were first arrested in Colombia four years ago. It has undermined trust and given rise to many legitimate concerns, not just in Ireland but internationally.
But we must be calm and clear-headed in how we deal with this matter, and how we debate it.
First, let me make it absolutely clear that the return of these men was not part of any deal between the Government and Sinn Féin or anyone else in the lead-up to the recent IRA statement. The matter was not even discussed.
Neither had the Government any prior knowledge of their return to Ireland.
This new situation gives rise to a number of issues that must be addressed by the appropriate authorities. Any question of a breach of Irish law is a matter for investigation for the Garda Síochána and the independent Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions.
The Government will abide by its obligations under international law. It is the case that this country does not have an extradition treaty with Colombia. If we receive a request for assistance from the Colombian government, it will be considered in accordance with our legal obligations.
That will be subject to scrutiny in the courts, as is right and proper in a democracy.
There are, of course, other challenges to be faced.
In our joint statement on July 28th, Tony Blair and I set out the agenda. We want to see verified actions to follow IRA words. We want to see the restoration of the political institutions, support for policing and the ending of loyalist paramilitary and criminal activity.
The scourge of violence and sectarianism has not gone away. Even in recent weeks, people on both sides of the community have been forced from their homes. Tensions always rise further during the marching season. Loyalist paramilitaries have been engaged in a vicious feud that has already cost a number of lives.
I know that for many people, there is uncertainty and suspicion at recent developments. That is not confined to the unionist community. The pace of events has fuelled suspicion. So it is important that we are very clear about the broader peace process and the position of the Government.
In all of my recent contacts with the Sinn Féin leadership, I have stressed the need to end all paramilitary and criminal activity and to complete decommissioning. That has been my only message. The IRA statement promises that outcome and is the result of that pressure and the united position of both governments, supported throughout by the Government and our many friends in the United States.
The next step is to see the steps promised implemented in practice.
Both governments have made clear that this must be verified. The completion of decommissioning, which I hope will not be long delayed, will be overseen by the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning, headed by Gen John De Chastelain. The ending of paramilitary and criminal activity will be assessed by the International Monitoring Commission, which will report in October and again in January. The governments will know if this happens. The people will know if this is for real.
Some things have begun already, such as demilitarisation. The British government's proposals, while they have been updated, have been public since the Joint Declaration of 2003. Everybody on this island should welcome the downscaling of the British military presence and its eventual return to pre-1969 levels.
Similarly, it has always been made clear in public that both governments intend to introduce schemes to deal with the question of so-called "on-the-runs", or OTRs, who committed offences prior to the Good Friday Agreement. The governments and parties discussed this in Weston Park in 2001. We published detailed proposals in the Joint Declaration in 2003.
Just as with the early release of convicted prisoners, this is a difficult but necessary aspect of the peace we have achieved in recent years. The Government will publish a scheme in November 2005 to address this issue.
However, I have already made clear that any scheme will not apply to anyone wanted in connection with the killing of Det Garda Jerry McCabe. Nor is there any question of the early release or any other concession for those already convicted in that case.
Another issue that has been the subject of debate in recent weeks is the question of Oireachtas participation by Northern representatives. Again, this proposal has been part of the public debate for some time. It is an important issue.
One of the many lessons of the last century is that the South cannot ignore the North. For too long, we neglected our relationship with Ulster unionism. We also paid scant attention to the real concerns of our fellow Irish citizens in the North. There has been much exaggerated comment on this point. What we have in mind is sensible but modest. It would not involve speaking rights or privileges in the Dáil, but rather facilitate committee discussions with Northern MPs on matters relating to Northern Ireland and the Good Friday agreement.
It would also be consistent with Seanad reform that has been discussed for many years. Most importantly, nothing that I would propose will cut across the architecture of the agreement. It can moreover complement the North-South parliamentary forum under the agreement, which we hope to see established soon.
The British-Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body is already in existence and thriving. There is also a distinguished history of Northern appointees to the Seanad to build on.
This is ultimately a matter for the Oireachtas and I will make my proposals directly to all of the other party leaders in September.
These are the only issues that I have said I will pursue following the IRA statement. They have been in the public domain for some time. There are no other understandings or side-deals.
I made all of this clear in public on July 28th.
Twenty years ago, my predecessor, Dr Garret FitzGerald, signed the Anglo-Irish Agreement. It was a shaft of light at a time of despair with no end to the violence in sight.
Last Saturday, Dr FitzGerald wrote in this newspaper about the transformation in relations between North and South and the success of the North-South bodies. This is concrete proof of the value of engagement and dialogue.
We have had hundreds of years of political violence on this island, sometimes sporadic, sometimes sustained. Relationships between unionist and nationalist in the North, between North and South and between Britain and Ireland, seemed impossible to resolve.
The Good Friday agreement has provided the means of resolving these issues and of ensuring peace and prosperity.
That is the real story of the peace process. It takes time and patience.
In partnership with the British government, we will continue to drive this process in a fair-minded and balanced way. I believe that this is what the people of Ireland want. And I believe that this has helped us to achieve the undeniable progress we have already made.
I hope that all the parties will apply themselves fully to the remaining political challenges in the months ahead.