DRAMATIC evidence of the British Labour government's efforts to force the O'Neill government to introduce radical reforms is revealed in confidential files released by the Public Record Office in Belfast. The unionist government saw the threat of Westminster intervention as very real in 1966.
On August 5th that year, the Northern Prime Minister, Capt O'Neill, had a lengthy private meeting at Whitehall with Mr Harold Wilson, the British Prime Minister, and the Home Secretary, Mr Roy Jenkins. According to a report of the meeting given to the Stormont Cabinet by Capt O'Neill, "the discussion centred largely upon Paisleyism, its origins, present strength, financial resources and the measures taken to combat its violent tendencies. Capt O'Neill emphasised the extent to which the 1916 Rising celebrations had contributed to its present upsurge of support. Mr Wilson said that the Northern Ireland government had handled a difficult and delicate situation at Easter very well."
Mr Wilson referred to the many Labour backbenchers who were uneasy about aspects of Northern Ireland affairs. They were supported by the Liberals and even some Conservatives.
As backbenchers became more restive, there was every expectation, Mr Wilson warned, that the pressure for changes in Northern Ireland would grow and could well become irresistible. It was necessary, therefore, that recent progress in Northern Ireland towards a more liberal atmosphere should continue and that a real effort should be made to meet some of the grievances which had been expressed - otherwise Westminster would be forced to act.
Capt O'Neill explained the steps he had taken to bring about an atmosphere of reconciliation between opposing sections in Northern Ireland. This was necessary before any concrete action of the kind was contemplated at Westminster.
Unfortunately, the 1916 celebrations had led to great disquiet among some Protestants and there was a severe backlash which made it politically impossible to make further moves at present.
Capt O'Neill said it would be disastrous if Westminster were to intervene - to do so would invite a revival of the spirit of 1912.
HOWEVER, Mr Jenkins disputed the historical analogy, saying that in 1912 the issue was a refusal to be put out of the UK while today it was a question of Westminster assuming more direct responsibility.
Capt O'Neill insisted that the crux in each case was coercion of the loyal unionist population. It should not be thought that the situation in Northern Ireland was comparable to that in Rhodesia - the unionists constituted a majority in Northern Ireland, unlike the white Rhodeians.
Mr Jenkins said it was important that any "pause" (in the reform of the process) should be short. It would be most unfortunate if a temporary halt should be seen as a victory for extremists. Capt O'Neill told his colleagues that Mr Jenkins returned to this theme, emphasising that a return to unenlightened policies could mean Westminster "taking over".
On individual grievances, Mr Wilson referred to allegations of irregularities during the recent West Belfast election and suggested the appointment of a parliamentary commission to investigate. This proposition was not pressed. Mr Wilson asked what was the objection to appointing an ombudsman to deal with complaints.
Capt O'Neill said there was ample scope in the Northern Ireland parliament for grievances to be ventilated. However, Mr Wilson did not see how a nationalist supporter in a unionist held constituency could very well expect his MP to take up his complaint.
Housing discrimination was raised by Mr Wilson when he asked what steps could be taken to remove complaints. Capt O'Neill argued that the problem was much exaggerated. It was inevitable that a Roman Catholic refused a house by a unionist council would see himself as discriminated against.
He said civil rights organisations such as the Campaign for Democracy in Northern Ireland, ignored the positive contribution made by the Northern Ireland Housing Trust which was considered by nationalists to have treated the minority very fairly.
On voting, Mr Wilson queried the need for the seven year residence qualification for Stormont elections but accepted Capt O'Neill's view that it was justified to prevent short stay electors migrating from the Republic.
Reference was also made to the business vote for Stormont elections, the company vote in local elections, the university franchise and redistribution, all of which were currently under review. Capt O'Neill argued that the opposition would probably lose out on any redistribution of seats and that the business vote had no real effect on election results.
FINALLY, Mr Wilson said that the Race Relations Bill did not apply to Northern Ireland and asked whether the Stormont government might not consider introducing a similar measure, slanted towards the removal of religious discrimination.
Capt O'Neill said the Northern Ireland situation would not be eased by such a measure. The solution lay in achieving a better community atmosphere. In further discussion, he said he might consider addressing a private meeting of Labour MPs on the Northern Ireland situation.
Mr Wilson suggested a further meeting in December to reassess the position. "While he did not openly endorse Capt O'Neill's view that no further progress towards `liberalisation' could be made at present, this seemed to be tacitly accepted, though it was equally clear that he would not readily accept an indefinite standstill in view of the pressures he was facing at Westminster."
The Downing Street meeting dominated a meeting of the Stormont Cabinet on August 9th, 1966. Capt O'Neill believed he had "bought time". Mr Wilson had said that he would probably be able to contain his backbenchers until the end of the year but, thereafter, the pressures could become too great.
Moreover, hostile articles in British newspapers had made an impact in Conservative circles and there had been a move by Catholic members of that party - resisted by Mr Quintin Hogg (now Lord Hailsham) as chairman of the Home Affairs Committee - to have Northern Ireland discussed at a party meeting. In these circumstances, Capt O'Neill warned, it would be rash to rely too much on Conservative support.
The North's Minister of Agriculture, Mr Harry West, said a threat seemed to be hanging over Northern Ireland. The chief whip asked if there had been any clear indication of what Westminster might do.
Capt O'Neill felt it was possible to visualise a situation where Westminster legislation, for example, for an ombudsman, might be applied to Northern Ireland with out their consent.
The Minister of Finance, Mr Kirk, warned that Whitehall attempts to eliminate discrimination on grounds of colour, race and ethnic origin might result in pressure for a similar policy in Northern Ireland aimed at religious discrimination.
The Minister of Commerce, Mr Brian Faulkner, wondered what practical action the UK government could take.