The Northern Ireland Agreement has weakened the union with Britain because of a clause limiting its life to the will of a majority in the Northern state, Mr Martin McGuinness told his party's ardfheis.
Sinn Fein's chief negotiator in the Stormont talks shared the time allocated for Mr Gerry Adams's keynote speech on Saturday to provide an overview of the negotiations and an assessment of the agreement.
He described the decision of the Ulster Unionist Party leader, Mr David Trimble, to endorse the agreement as all the more remarkable given the unionists' attitude, adding that he appreciated the difficulties Mr Trimble now faced.
The document did not go as far as most nationalists and republicans would wish but it was the basis for advancement. The republican analysis was at the heart of Irish politics as never before.
"Do we have a level playing field as a result of this phase of negotiations? We clearly do not. What we do have, however, is a very visible playing field, with the equality issues up in lights, the clear prospect of change if we have the strength and commitment to hold people to positions outlined and no hiding place for supremacists and those who wish to maintain a failed status quo."
Meanwhile, Britain's role in the union was now a bit like one partner saying the relationship was over but that he or she was willing to wait "until the children have grown up".
"There is now no absolute commitment, no raft of parliamentary Acts to back up an absolute claim, but only an agreement to stay until the majority decides otherwise. This is a long way from being as British as Finchley," said Mr McGuinness.
But the downside involved the proposed inclusion of the consent clause in the Irish Constitution, the definition of the nation in terms of its people rather than its territory.
"However, on a more positive note, and I want to draw your attention to this, there is, through the amendment to Article 29, constitutional expression for the establishment of North-South bodies which have an all-island remit."
Although the union had been weakened, partition remained. This, too, could be weakened by the dynamic operation of all-Ireland structures which were part of the agreement which unionists fought "tooth and nail to prevent and about which they have, paradoxically, had least to say in the past week".
From the beginning, Sinn Fein knew that the talks parameters laid down by the two governments meant that Irish unity would not come out of this phase of the negotiations. So the party set itself the task of "weakening the British link while defending the right of Irish men and women and it is in this context that we must honestly measure the gains and losses".
It was pure fantasy on the part of Mr Trimble to suggest the union was not up for negotiation. Mr Trimble's refusal to negotiate with Sinn Fein put the Prime Minister, Mr Tony Blair, in the position of negotiating on behalf of the unionists, "and this is exactly what happened".
Pointing to what his party regarded as positive outcomes to the negotiations, Mr McGuinness said they had fought for the repeal of the Government of Ireland Act. The agreement also stated that new legislation regarding the North's constitutional status would supersede the Act of Union and the Northern Ireland Constitution Act of 1973.
Assuring the gathering that he and his fellow negotiators had taken a firm line on prisoners and policing, he said that when most of the final paper had taken shape, these issues were not resolved to the party's satisfaction.
A series of meetings, maybe up to a dozen, had taken place throughout the night between himself, Mr Adams, Mr Blair and Dr Mowlam. At least three involved Mr Blair and the Taoiseach.
"Finally, in the early hours of the morning, the British government agreed to give a firm commitment in the agreement that all prisoners will be released within a defined period of two years and that this may happen sooner.
"We also negotiated separately with the Irish Government on the question of prisoners in their jurisdiction, on constitutional matters and the rights of citizens in the North to be represented in Irish political institutions in the South."
Senator Mitchell was now exerting intense pressure on the two governments. The document was almost agreed between the two governments, but Sinn Fein had continued to "negotiate beyond this". They received an assurance from Mr Blair to meet him the following Monday.
Mr McGuinness proceeded to outline the hours leading up to the release of the Good Friday deal, referring to a second phone-call to President Clinton at 9.45 a.m. to seek his continued support for movement on the entire range of issues.
Eventually, when the document was circulated at noon, Sinn Fein submitted 20 points of concern. According to Mr McGuinness, the UUP then "went into crisis" but was finally moved into the plenary session at 5.30 p.m. on Friday afternoon.