Changes in ETA

OVER THE last few months, it has become increasingly clear that most Basque radicals, who want independence for their homeland…

OVER THE last few months, it has become increasingly clear that most Basque radicals, who want independence for their homeland, are moving decisively away from violent strategies. A series of debates and statements from these quarters have come ever closer to an open call to ETA, the terrorist group which once had significant popular support in the region, to dump its guns for good.

These statements have been warmly received by international figures of goodwill, like Mary Robinson, Desmond Tutu, Albert Reynolds and John Hume. In a joint statement a month ago, they argued that ETA should now declare a permanent ceasefire and expressed the hope that an “appropriate” response by the Spanish government “would permit. . .differences to be resolved”.

Regrettably, ETA has not risen to this occasion. Its subsequent statements suggest that there is still a battle for power between hawks and doves in the organisation. This is familiar enough, but what is new is the increasing impatience among the group’s political constituency, which for much too long has regarded the men and women of violence as beyond criticism, at least in public. In recent days, individuals who were once, with good reason, believed to be ETA’s political commissars, have given their approval to a statement accusing the terrorists of “blocking” the path to progress with their “armed actions”. It falls short of outright condemnation but it is approaching that critical dividing line.

The radicals know that a substantial proportion of the Basque people, and perhaps a small majority, would welcome some form of self-determination. And they have finally realised what has been obvious to more moderate Basque nationalists for decades: that a violent strategy makes it easy for Madrid to refuse to contemplate any change in the region’s status, because it would look like a surrender to terrorism. Indeed, some senior figures in the Spanish establishment have long said privately that ETA was doing Spain a favour, because its existence ensured that no government would engage with Basque demands to decide their own future.

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Sooner or later, however, Spain will have to come to terms with the enduring national aspirations of many Basques, just as Basque nationalists, radical or otherwise, must come to terms with the strong Spanish identity of many other Basque citizens. It is clearer than ever that the only contribution ETA can make to this delicate process is to dissolve itself unconditionally and immediately.