Not since the dark days of October 1993 have Russia's President and parliament faced each other in such open confrontation. It is a measure of how far Russia has travelled on the road to democracy in that space of time, that there is now no question of tanks being brought out to shell the Duma. Nevertheless, the current political crisis has done nothing to enhance the country's image.
As in most conflicts of this nature, both sides share the blame. It was Mr Yeltsin's precipitate action in sacking his entire government last month and nominating the inexperienced and youthful Mr Sergei Kiriyenko to the second highest office in the land that brought the crisis about. His motives for sacking the cabinet headed by Mr Viktor Chernomyrdin were stated at the time to be economic. It was necessary, Mr Yeltsin said, to speed up economic reforms and put an end to the situation in which workers have not been paid for months.
Only the politically naive believe that these were the real reasons for Mr Yeltsin's move. Non-payment of wages has been Russia's most effective, if least moral, method of controlling inflation. Any moves towards regular salary payments would, therefore, slow down rather than accelerate the pace of economic reform.
Mr Yeltsin's motives were, according to most serious analysts, strictly personal. Mr Chernomyrdin had begun to adopt a presidential air during Mr Yeltsin's latest illness; the Prime Minister stuck his head up over the parapet and the President promptly opened fire. That Russia's stability might be put in question simply did not enter into the matter.
The Duma has registered its objections in the strongest possible manner. The substantial reduction in support for Mr Kiriyenko in the second vote on his nomination was a remarkable event for an assembly which has an unenviable record of venality when faced with the prospect of an election.
It is still probable that a deal will be struck between President and parliament and that Mr Kiriyenko will become Russia's third Prime Minister in the six years since the Soviet Union was dissolved. The Duma deputies who enjoy far better facilities and privileges than most of their western European counterparts, may in the end revert to form and let the President have his way.
But yesterday's vote against Mr Kiriyenko was so overwhelming and so broadly based - it included democrats as well as communists - that any future climb-down would leave Russia's lower house open to greater derision than it has had to endure in the past.
The communist leader, Mr Gennady Zyuganov, who has on many occasions attempted to play the calm statesman to Mr Yeltsin's erratic Tsar, now faces a crucial test. If he backs down he will lose credibility in his own party and with the electorate. The temptation for Mr Yeltsin is to face down Mr Zyuganov and get Mr Kiriyenko through on the third ballot by offering further privileges and luxuries to the deputies.