Unwavering loyalty admired and rewarded in politics

Loyalty to our country should stand before loyalty to any political party, writes Elaine Byrne

Loyalty to our country should stand before loyalty to any political party, writes Elaine Byrne

ARTICLE NINE of the Constitution states: "Fidelity to the nation and loyalty to the state are fundamental political duties of all citizens."

Immigrants who are successful in their application for naturalisation and citizenship are required to stand in open court and make a declaration to that effect. The Minister for Justice can revoke citizenship if this oath is contravened.

Loyalty is commonly mistaken as a moral virtue. It is not. The four cardinal virtues, derived from Plato's Republic and the Christian scriptures, are justice, wisdom, courage and temperance. All moral virtues hinge on these four virtues.

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Unwavering, consistent loyalty is an admired and rewarded quality in Irish political life. Loyalty has a proud historical tradition in Ireland. In his speech against the Act of Union in 1800, Henry Grattan spoke of loyalty as "a noble, a judicious and a capacious principle".

Charles Stewart Parnell was the first politician in the Western world to introduce the concept of the party pledge. To this day, upon election, all Irish politicians swear an oath avowing faithful allegiance to their political party.

The concept of loyalty in our political culture has additional significance because of its association with that of family.

The meaning of Fianna Fáil originates from the Fianna warriors. Entrance to the Fianna was governed by strict tests and codes of honour. The Fianna were comprised of different clans established to protect the high king of Ireland and the kingdom. Fine Gael denotes family or tribe of the Gaels.

The origins of Ireland's party system are based on opposing views of the 1921 Treaty. The Northern peace process has warranted that the North is no longer the overwhelming and disputed policy issue it once was. In the absence of ideological differences and a contested policy vacuum, trust in who can best manage the economy is predominant.

The overriding criterion for party membership is that of loyalty. Michael Gallagher and Michael Marsh's Days of Blue Loyalty study found that 75 per cent of Fine Gael members could trace family support for the party back to the Civil War.

Ireland attaches enormous historical importance to loyalty and we place this on ambiguous political entities wrapped up in notions of family and localism.

Incidentally, Fianna Fáil does not have a mission statement on its website outlining its values or what it stands for. Instead there is a rather vague "Membership of Cáirde Fhianna Fáil is open to those who support Fianna Fáil." Fine Gael advises that it is a party of the "progressive centre".

This ambiguity is complemented by an indistinct assurance that it will "act in a way that is right for Ireland, regardless of dogma or ideology".

Fianna Fáil is not a political party, it is a national movement and loyalty sustains its success.

Former minister for justice Seán Doherty kept his silence on the extent of Charles Haughey's involvement in the 1982 phone-tapping controversy for almost a decade. As a consequence he lost the party whip and never held ministerial office again.

In his letter of resignation to Haughey, he wrote: "I know there is no need to assure you of my constant loyalty to Fianna Fáil."

The Moriarty tribunal found that Haughey had "personally misappropriated" funds intended for Brian Lenihan's liver transplant in the United States. The Lenihan family displayed extraordinary fidelity to Haughey and Fianna Fáil by their silence on the tribunal's findings.

Before he died, Haughey specifically requested Brian Lenihan jnr to do the first reading at his funeral Mass.

Fianna Fáil blood is thicker than water.

Indeed, on the death of Haughey, Bertie Ahern paid tribute to the fact that he "inspired great loyalty".

In last September's vote of confidence in the Taoiseach, Minister for Finance Brian Cowen was robust. "Political loyalty is a virtue and that loyalty will be maintained by this Government for this Taoiseach."

Loyalty is Ireland's fifth moral virtue. It is granted equal, if not elevated, status to the cardinal virtues of justice, wisdom, courage, and temperance.

Is this elevation of loyalty though now being tested?

In her evidence last week, Ahern's former secretary, Gráinne Carruth, told the Mahon tribunal she was "hurt" and "upset" that "this was coming on a daily basis to my door and I just wanted it out of my house".

Since her testimony last Thursday, which directly contradicts that of the Taoiseach, just two junior Ministers have publicly defended Ahern.

This includes his brother, junior Minister Noel Ahern. Ms Carruth, he contends, was "bullied" and "intimidated" by the tribunal. He believes that it is "all innuendo" and has "no doubt there is a campaign in the media". The Taoiseach's brother is serving to remind his colleagues about the importance of loyalty.

May Day is loyalty day in the United States. On this day, Americans reaffirm their allegiance to their nation. Coincidentally, it was first observed as a holiday in 1921, the same year the Anglo-Irish Treaty was signed.

Perhaps we should follow the example of those new to our shores. Let us pledge fidelity to the Irish nation. Let us challenge the virtuous notions of loyalty to the political party and the political leader over that of our nation.

As Grattan said, "the character of the country cannot be so lost".