The relationship between Britain and Ireland is too close to be normal, writes Charles Lysaght.
The attendance of the British ambassador at the 1916 commemoration signals a new closeness in British-Irish relations and refuels speculation about a state visit by Queen Elizabeth. For some time, President McAleese has been forcing the pace on such a visit that she may feel will crown her successful Presidency.
The two governments seem to be more chary and feel that they should wait for a decisive advance in Northern Ireland, such as the permanent re-establishment of a power-sharing Executive.
The royal visit could then be presented as symbolic that in the wake of this, British-Irish relations are now normal, a triumph for their diplomacy.
Of course, it is delightful that Queen Elizabeth should visit the Republic but, as one who deplores Anglophobia as demeaning to ourselves and who desires good relations between the British and Irish governments as well as our peoples, I would have misgivings about a state visit, with all its panoply of parades and speeches.
It could be as counter-productive as a similar visit to India some years ago was for Anglo-Indian relations.
The fundamental difficulty is that the relationship of Britain and Ireland is too close to be normal, and Queen Elizabeth is not just another foreign head of state.
In ordinary conversation here she is "the queen" - indeed the President refers to her in those terms. It is this very closeness that makes manifestations of enthusiasm for British royalty threatening to Irish nationalists and has a potential to open up old divisions in our society that are best allowed to rest.
One has only to recall the reaction to John Bruton's warm welcome to Prince Charles in 1995, when Bruton was reported as saying that it was the happiest day of his political life. It was quoted for years to discredit him. Can you imagine that reaction if he had uttered these words welcoming any other head of state?
I believe that a latent, if diminishing, antipathy in Ireland towards the crown as an institution is quite widespread and not limited to those who are now labelled "republicans". Consider the resentment that surrounds the flying of the Union flag, playing God Save the Queen or the acceptance of British titles.
It has to be said that hostility towards the British crown in this country has understandable historical roots. The crown's continuing sectarian character still gives legitimate grounds for offence.
The royals never had a warm relationship with the Irish majority. All that they ever owed the royal family was the creation of Killarney as a tourist centre (the result of Queen Victoria's 1861 visit), the name Patricia (invented for her granddaughter Princess Patricia of Connaught), and - something that should never be forgotten - the good offices of King George V to make Lloyd George's government call off the Black and Tans.
The crown never succeeded in linking Ireland and Britain as it linked Scotland to England.
There is much in the panoply of royalty, with the harp on the royal standard and presenting the shamrock to a regiment still called the Irish Guards, that is evidence that they have not let go of Ireland as part of the British family. Their ongoing practice of decorating our citizens for activities in Ireland can be seen as more of this.
The riot that disrupted the Love Ulster march on February 25th is testimony to the dangers of formal parades that are part of any state visit. If our fellow Irish can't get safe passage from hooligans and extremists through our streets, what hope is there for the queen of England? Sadly, the likely enthusiasm of some for her is all too likely to provoke the protests or silent disgust of others. The divisions engendered, not to speak of possible violent clashes, would do little for British-Irish relations.
Doubtless, by careful crafting and keeping Prince Philip quiet, the speeches could be made to pass off without major controversy. But the price would be a lot of archness and manipulation of historical truth.
The queen would have to apologise for British misdeeds, especially for the Famine, for whose relief her ancestor Queen Victoria did more than most of the Irish who held on here and to whose descendants she would be apologising. Queen Elizabeth might even be expected to make polite noises about the 1916 Rebellion.
She would probably not be allowed to praise those Irish who, in Churchill's memorable words, "hastened to the battlefront to prove their ancient valour" in two World Wars. Boasting about British achievements or mention of the Irish who served the empire would be taboo. Gushing praise for the achievements of modern Ireland would be expected.
On our side no apologies would be called for, not even for the murder of Lord Mountbatten and other atrocities. Compliments to the English for all they have done for the world and even the many things they contributed to Ireland (the common law, democratic institutions, a professional public service etc.) would be muted for fear of being seen to do a Bruton.
There would doubtless be that awful boasting about how self-confident and mature we now are, which should not be necessary.
It is a delusion to believe that Ulster unionists would be conciliated by a royal visit to Dublin. They are more likely to view this further cosying up between London and Dublin as a threat to their position. Their cause thrived when London and Dublin were at loggerheads.
Moderate people have long recognised the danger of symbols and ostentation in British-Irish relations and have acted on the view that good relations between Britain and Ireland, as within Ireland, are best built up by practical co-operation and low-key contacts. We should be slow to forsake this well-tried approach.
Our presidents have paid many informal visits to Britain.
If Queen Elizabeth wishes to come to Ireland it would be best if, like her great grandfather Edward VII, she came to watch her horses or some such event without the panoply of a state visit. She is such an estimable person that everybody would welcome her on a personal visit in the way that thousands of her compatriots are welcomed here every year.
A state visit is still a step too far.
Charles Lysaght is a barrister and writer.