Dublin is still failing Northern Ireland when it comes to representation

Taoiseach Micheál Martin has said that too little has been done to build understanding and co-operation between Ireland’s North and the South since the signing of the Belfast Agreement. But he has neglected to acknowledge or recognise the failings of the Irish Government itself in building a truly shared island. At every opportunity, successive governments led by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have failed the litmus test of turning warm words about Northern inclusion into action.

There is no better example of how skin-deep the Coalition parties’ commitment is toward including Northern voices than the failure to nominate even one single Northern Ireland resident to the Seanad in 2020. At a critical time for North-South, east-west relations, when Northern Ireland was struggling for a voice after losing representation in the European Parliament, the Irish Government opted to instead use the Taoiseach nominations to look after their party candidates and left Northern Ireland with no representation.

There would be nothing to stop the Government from embedding a policy where a predetermined number of seats would be reserved for nominated representatives in Northern Ireland

Since the finalisation of the Belfast Agreement, there have been just two Taoiseach nominations for a Northern Ireland resident to the Seanad; Maurice Hayes in 1997 and Martin McAleese in 2011. (Ian Marshall was elected to the Seanad in 2018 in a by-election for the Agricultural Panel with the backing of then Taoiseach Leo Varadkar).

If this Government were genuine about building understanding, breaking down barriers North and South, and including Northern voices, then one might expect to see unambiguous efforts to boost representation and inclusion. There would be nothing to stop the Government from embedding a policy where a predetermined number of seats would be reserved for nominated representatives in Northern Ireland, and I’m not talking about a token nomination every decade, but real and genuine inclusion to the tone of three seats at a minimum — one for each of the North’s dominant demographics.

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Nationalist representation is undeniably important, as nationalism — like all cultural and political traditions — is a broad church with rich and varied views and perspectives, with insight into the sorts of struggles surrounding Irish identity from which the South has long unshackled itself. On the flip side of the coin, so too is unionist representation important; History shows us that when given an opportunity to enter the upper chamber in Ireland, unionist representatives, such as Marshall, don’t squander it. And while including these two traditions is essential in building greater understanding, as is the inclusion of the ever-growing community which identifies itself as neither unionist nor nationalist. Northern Ireland is changing, but you wouldn’t know it from the representations often made on our behalf in Dublin. Instead of speaking for us, let us speak for ourselves.

What we have in place of representation is a litany of failed commitments and promises. Observer status for Northern Ireland in the European Parliament? Dead in the water. Speaking rights for MLAs and MPs from Northern Ireland in the Dáil and Seanad? Blocked by the Government. A referendum on expanding presidential voting rights to Irish citizens in Northern Ireland and abroad? Indefinitely postponed. Outside of the well-intentioned Shared Island dialogue series, which has included several Northern speakers over the past 18 months, what meaningful change or effort has this Government made to increase dialogue and build understanding across this island?

At a basic level there are immediate changes which would take minimal effort but carry great significance; Extend speaking rights to Northern representatives, provide a role for Northern representatives within committees, and include Northern voices — not just in Dublin, but in Europe and beyond.

The citizens assembly on climate and biodiversity would have been a prime opportunity to build just this kind of dialogue, and in turn, greater understanding. Other areas which could be approached on an all-island basis include all-island infrastructure and all-island healthcare. Starting an all-island citizens assembly doesn’t need to be focused solely on Irish unity — it can and should be seen as a vehicle for building greater co-operation on issues of common concern.

The only way to alleviate unionist concerns of overreach is with transparency and inclusion

A more ambitious Government would go further. In 2021, a Sunday Life opinion poll showed that 41 per cent of respondents in the South had never once crossed the border into Northern Ireland. Creative measures are required to increase cross-Border travel and tourism, this could be done by offering free cross-Border travel on public transport, or significantly reduced fares.

Beyond geopolitical borders, navigating the complex political landscape of the North has its own challenges, and efforts from the Irish Government to intervene in political stalemates have been met with terse criticism from mainstream unionism. Despite the formalisation of relationships in the Belfast Agreement, a deep-seated suspicion concerning the Irish Government’s intentions toward the North remains for many unionists. These concerns are not unfounded; The Irish Constitution aspires to unite the island of Ireland — an aspiration shared by Ireland’s political parties. However, unionism has engaged in the North-South, East-West institutions of the Belfast Agreement, and when given the opportunity, unionist representatives have engaged with all-island structures and Government initiatives in the South. The only way to alleviate unionist concerns of overreach is with transparency and inclusion.

John Hume once famously remarked that the real division in Ireland is in the hearts and minds of its people, that’s as evident today as it was before the Belfast Agreement. Breaking down barriers North and South will take more than words — we need action.