IF anyone had suggested a few years ago that all of us would live through a historically unprecedented period of cessations, and that the British government would so misjudge the situation that opportunity for a political settlement would be lost, they would have been dismissed as - simply Brit-bashers or republican - propagandists. That, however, is the reality of the situation.
Having said that, it is now a matter of learning the lessons of that period and of seeking to restore the opportunity in a manner which ensures that it is not lost again the next time around. This is what I and others in the Sinn Fein leadership are seeking to do.
While the peace process was being undermined we sought to shore it up. Since it collapsed I have been in very regular contact with Mr Hume, with the Irish government and with the White House. Others in the Sinn Fein leadership - have engaged with a wide spectrum of political opinion. All of this with the aim of creating the conditions in which the peace process can be put back on the tracks.
"I am regularly asked what Sinn Fein requires. Our position is consistent and very straightforward. We ask only that those who vote for our party will have the right to have their views represented in any future negotiations. Sinn Fein imposes no preconditions.
We have made absolutely clear that political dialogue and democratic accommodation are the essential means for a new political agreement among the Irish people. Sinn Fein has had an electoral mandate of some significance for the last decade and a half. This was ignored by the British government, and for some of that time by successive Irish governments.
Despite this we continued at great cost to our activists and our families - to defend the rights of our voters. Now that all parties in the North are being forced to engage in an electoral process, as a way into all party talks, which nationalists see as unnecessary, this issue has taken on a new focus. Sinn Fein will undoubtedly renew our mandate on May 30th. Tens of thousands of citizens will vote for us. We ask only that they be accorded the same rights as those who vote for other parties.
Sinn Fein is an Irish republican party. We seek national self determination and the unity and independence of Ireland as a sovereign state. As part of this we want to see the end of British rule in Ireland and the creation of a new Ireland which reflects the diversity of all the people of this island. We know that the unionists and others, including the British government, are opposed to this at this time. Fair enough. These democratic goals constitute our overall objectives and we will continue to pursue them as part of our legitimate struggle.
Alongside this and for some time now our primary objective and the main focus of Sinn Fein activity has been to see the end of conflict and the creation of a just and lasting peace settlement.
That is the thrust of our peace strategy. Without this strategy there would not have been a peace process or even the remote possibility of restoring it. In developing this strategy we identified a number of key elements which are central to the achievement of a just and lasting peace. These include the need for inclusive dialogue, led by the two governments fulfilling their responsibilities in leadership roles and seeking agreement for a comprehensive settlement.
The purpose of such a positive, and coherent approach is to remove forever the causes of conflict in our country. To be viable this requires a good faith engagement on all sides. Given the length of the conflict and the suffering endured and inflicted by all sides, building peace in Ireland is always going to be a risky and dangerous business. Without clear and firm guidance at government level there is no prospect of success.
THE change of Taoiseach in Dublin and the break in continuity which this constituted did not help at a time when there was a huge responsibility upon the Irish government to encourage the British government to fulfil its responsibilities. The British government's consistently minimalist approach made this a very difficult task.
I have been critical of the London government's role in this process. In my view Mr Major has failed so far to respond in a fitting way to the opportunities which were opened up in the last few years. I know Mr Major has his own difficulties but he has been admirably adept at managing them and I would hope that he would agree with me that they are of little significance in comparison to the challenges presented at this time in Anglo Irish relations.
There was considerable public interest in the British prime minister's recent article in The Irish Times. The Taoiseach, Mr Bruton, in particular, compared this article to his Finglas speech. There is little comparison. Mr Bruton's speech contained almost 40 commitments. His speech was a clear and definitive outline of the Irish Government's position. Like the Tanaiste's proposals for dealing with the decommissioning issue, they constituted a positive contribution.
Nonetheless, there was a shift in rhetoric in one part of Mr Major's article. This dealt with the issue of decommissioning. Mr Major wrote that "decommissioning will also need to be addressed at the beginning of the talks and agreement reached on how Mitchell's recommendations on decommissioning can be taken forward, without blocking the negotiations". I welcome this comment. There is an urgent need to find a process by which this can be achieved. This is, of course, mainly a matter for the two governments to agree and it is a matter of some concern that they have not so far done this.
I have written to the British prime minister to assure him that Sinn Fein approaches this issue, as we do all others, in a positive and constructive way. We are committed to taking all of the guns permanently out of Irish politics.
As a party we have demonstrated a flexibility and a willingness to take risks for peace which has not been matched by the British government or by Mr Trimble and Mr Paisley.
Sinn Fein has always taken a very positive and constructive attitude to the Mitchell body, to its report and to its principles. Indeed, unlike the unionists, we involved ourselves both in the political track as well as in the decommissioning track of the twin track process. Sinn Fein policy goes much further than the Mitchell Report and is a matter of public record.
Our view is quite simple and straightforward. Sinn Fein in the context of proper all party talks will sign up with all of the other parties to the Mitchell Report and principles. If the British government, with its disastrous record of involvement in our country, with its army of occupation, with its repressive apparatus; if the loyalists with their record; or the unionists with their record; if all of these parties can sign up to Mitchell then so can Sinn Fein.
I made this statement in a spirit of generosity and in an effort to make space for everyone at this very critical time in our history. There has been a disappointing but predictably negative response from Downing Street and the unionist leaderships. I call upon Mr Major, Mr Trimble and Mr Paisley to reflect on their responses. All of us have to take risks for peace.
The big problem at this point is the British government blocking Sinn Fein from being involved in those talks. London is supported in this by the Irish government. If we are to live together in peace we must make space for each other. If we are to have proper peace talks then all the parties must be invited. Exclusion is a failed policy. Inclusion at least provides the opportunity for a better future for all the people of this island.
I am an Irish republican. The outcome of all party talks may fall short of Sinn Fein's overall goals. Indeed, such a prospect confronts every party at the negotiations vis a vis their respective positions. But negotiations are an area of struggle for Irish republicans and the purpose of real all party talks must be to bring about substantive and significant change in constitutional and political matters in securing democratic rights and equality for all citizens - and in bring about a total demilitarisation of the situation.
NO item on the agenda must be allowed to become an obstacle and all negotiations must be conducted within an agreed timeframe. The negotiating process must endeavour to reach a new agreement which can earn the allegiance of all the Irish people by accommodating diversity and providing for national reconciliation. For this to be achieved, everyone involved must be committed to reaching agreement.
It is essential, therefore, that both governments shape the negotiating process in such a way as to ensure that all parties are treated on an equal basis and that no party has an undemocratic advantage.
There must be no preconditions.
And there can be no attempt to predetermine the outcome, or to preclude any outcome, to the negotiations.
By necessity, the establishment of real peace talks must be the priority objective of a peace strategy at this time. This means ensuring that the talks beginning on June 10th are inclusive. Locking Sinn Fein out makes a mockery of the rhetoric of those in high places who preach to Irish republicans about the primacy of the ballot box.
Assurances from the Irish government and the commitment from Fianna Fail to the building of a viable peace process are important. Guarantees from the international community, especially the US administration, are essential but if the peace process is to move forward the British government must also sign up in a public way to a restored process if this strategy has any hope of success.
On May 30th people in the North will vote for negotiating panels. Sinn Fein is participating in this election to renew our democratic mandate and to assert the right of our electorate to be fully represented in any process of negotiations on the basis of equality. Those who vote for our party have the right to be represented at the talks table on June 10th. In his Irish Times article Mr Major wrote: "Once the elections are over the route to negotiations is clear, direct and automatic".
He now needs to act upon this assertion.
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