A chara, – I will certainly be voting Yes, however for An Taoiseach to continually refuse debates with the No side of this treaty is testing my certainty.
An Taoiseach is the “leader” of this country and as such he should be the most prominent and visible advocator for a Yes vote. I do not understand why Enda Kenny keeps running scared from every live debate invitation he receives, as it not only demonstrates a total lack of respect to both the Yes and No sides, but more importantly it demonstrates a total lack of respect for the electorate, who are entitled to such live debates on the issues contained within this treaty. – Is mise,
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We sacrificed our monetary policy – the ability to control interest rates, print money and devalue our currency – when we joined the euro.
This left us with fiscal policy – taxation and expenditure – to influence our own economic faith. In accepting the fiscal compact treaty we are agreeing to amend the Irish Constitution to permanently adhere to fiscal rules dictated by Germany. If these rules are violated, control over fiscal policy is ceded to Europe and the European Court of Justice.
Without control over monetary and fiscal policy can Ireland even call herself an independent country? This treaty is not just “good housekeeping” – it is a treaty that will render all economic independence redundant and is a denigration to the very notion of a republic. – Is mise,
However, in the case of this referendum we are voting on the terms of the treaty, and to suggest that those votes should be affected by a political version of the X Factor is disingenuous. The relevant information is available. The voting should be based solely on that. If there is to be such an exhibition, then why not go the whole hog and ask Simon Cowell and Louis Walsh to come over to judge it. – Yours, etc,
Sir, – The fiscal treaty does not address the core elements of the euro-zone crisis: fear of financial institutions’ insolvency, flaws in the design of the euro zone, lack of investment and growth, and rising unemployment and poverty. It assumes that the cause of the crisis is public sector debt when in reality public sector debt is a result of the crisis, and this the fiscal treaty does not address.
The treaty will oblige Ireland and other EU countries to engage in simultaneous fiscal contraction, or austerity. This is a dangerous experiment that will reduce growth, job creation rates and living standards. This will merely perpetuate the instability and lack of confidence in many euro zone economies.
The treaty requires Ireland to give constitutional force to hypothetical concepts that are highly uncertain and almost impossible to quantify. Measures such as structural deficits, output gaps and potential GDP will likely be manipulated according to an austerity agenda and will not represent tools for rational macro-economic co-ordination.
The treaty raises profound issues over democratic accountability. To the extent that it is an international treaty with no opt-out clause, it will tie the hands of future governments and electorates. It will greatly limit the scope for national fiscal initiatives, especially during downturns. Monetary policy has already been removed from most EU states. The fiscal treaty will greatly diminish control over budgetary policy – reducing governments’ ability to respond to the needs of their citizens.
Regardless of the outcome of the referendum, Ireland will have access to funding for a second bail-out if needed. This has been confirmed by all EU leaders who guaranteed support to Ireland until a return to the markets. It is inconceivable that an EU member-state with as many financial interconnections as Ireland would be isolated from both market and institutional funding as this would undermine the very reason for establishing the European Stability Mechanism – namely, “the financial stability of the euro zone”. For these reasons we call on the Irish electorate to vote No. – Yours, etc,
Sir, – The No campaign would have us believe that we will get money from somewhere if the stability treaty is rejected, though they don’t say exactly where. Perhaps it’s best not to think too much about our debts and how they will get paid, provided we get what we want today. Perhaps it’s best not to think about how Ireland’s national debt has reached €186 billion or 117 per cent of national output.
Even if we never had to deal with the bank problem, the debt would be over 80 per cent of output, but we can always leave it to the next generation to pay up. Unlike the Germans, they are in no position to impose conditions and, if they do complain about our irresponsibility, we won’t be around to hear them.
On the other hand, we could ask ourselves why Austrians, the Germans, the Finns and the Dutch have the lowest levels of unemployment in the EU. They all manage their public finances well, thus providing the stability which every healthy economy needs. The stability treaty would require all members of the euro to adopt the same rules of good housekeeping, which would be of lasting benefit to everyone – including the coming generations. – Yours, etc,
Sir, – I have today (May 24th) spotted my first polling place (in Rialto). Is this a record?
Incidentally, as of May 24th (seven days from polling day) I have yet to receive the much-trumpeted explanatory brochure, which appears to have suffered the same fate as Deputy O’Snodaigh’s millions of missives. In the absence of information there can be no doubt as to which way my vote will go. – Yours, etc,
The example that a five-year contract is no longer a “job”, shows just how out of touch some members of academia are with reality.
To me as a young graduate, who because of the economy has more friends in London and Australia than in Dublin, the idea somebody would conflate a limitation on a five-year contract with the truly staggering challenges facing the unemployed in Irish society is as absurd as it is offensive.
Jobs for life benefit the people who got hired before the recession. Once the recession hits, jobs for life ensure that the unemployed have higher levels of unemployment than older people, often less qualified people. Creating a privileged section of society that is protected from the real world serves no one’s interest, except the privileged section.
If voting Yes will end this absurd idea that in order to have high levels of public services, social security and low unemployment that we need to give everyone who works in the public sector a job for life, then I welcome it. – Yours, etc,
Sir, – The morning RTÉ news (May 25th) led with the announcement of the creation of 140 new jobs some time in the future spread over seven locations. This has followed weeks of similar announcements and re-announcements. Will this continue after May 31st? – Yours, etc,
Sir, – I’m seeing the slogan “Cut the bank debt or No deal” everywhere. Don’t people realise the deal is going ahead with or without us? A No vote just guarantees “no deal” if we need more money from Europe. There’s going to be austerity either way. So the No slogan just reveals a strong argument for voting Yes. Wake up Ireland. – Yours, etc,
A chara, – If Enda Kenny and Eamon Gilmore are so convinced that the text of the fiscal treaty will not change, why don’t they bet their jobs on it? If they don’t then it speaks volumes about the confidence they have in their own spin. Is mise,A chara, – Patrick Kinsella’s article on voting No (Opinion, May 24th) reveals a distortion that the currently employed often make.Sir, – I voted for Fine Gael in the last election. However I suspect even his most ardent supporters would accept that Enda Kenny is not the most accomplished debater (after some of his predecessors, that is not necessarily a bad thing). In a general election it is fair that the various party leaders should engage in face to face debates, as that is part of what we are judging them on.Sir, – Enda Kenny has suggested that the fiscal treaty is little more than “good housekeeping” (Home News, May 24th). In doing so he is misleading the nation more than any other leader in our history. Independent countries have two forms of economic policy at their disposal – monetary and fiscal policy. – Yours, etc,
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