Sir, - I am not sure how many Fianna Fail members or supporters read Dick Walsh's weekly column, because with rare variations it reads like an endless tract on Fianna Fail past and present as the never-failing source of all our political ills. But that does not mean that it should always pass without challenge.
Dick Walsh is wrong in stating (March 6th) that the public policies Mr Haughey followed in the late 1980s "were crudely based on those of the Prime Minister he hated most, Margaret Thatcher". For a start, I would not sum up Mr Haughey's attitude over a 12year period to Mrs Thatcher, private or public, as one of hatred. Though they were not close and there was a wide gulf in attitude, values and temperament, there was also on occasion evidence of a surprising amount of mutual respect, as shown for example during Ireland's 1990 EU Presidency, as well as in 1980-1981. He never used the term Thatcherism himself. But the cardinal fact of recent Irish political development is that, even faced with the grave economic and financial difficulties that a new Government was elected to tackle in early 1987, Ireland avoided recourse to a Thatcherite approach.
One of the cornerstones of the 1987 minority Fianna Fail administration's policy approach was the creation of social partnership, the philosophy of which was more fully developed in the PESP. Most independent commentators see social consensus as the foundation of our subsequent economic prosperity, including the subsequent large growth in employment and the general improvement in living standards. Thatcherism and social consensus were completely incompatible. The very concept was anathema to Mrs Thatcher, who did not let the unions (other than strike-breaking miners) darken the door of 10, Downing Street, and even the present British Labour Government shows no strong sign of wanting to return to it. Mr Ahern's industrial relations legislation of 1990, unlike Mrs Thatcher's of 1984, was an exercise in consensus, not confrontation. There was no ideological approach on the part of the Government to privatisation here. Indeed, 1987 was marked by the taking of Dublin Gas into State ownership. The Government set about implementing the Commission on Social Welfare Report. Whereas Mrs Thatcher disliked (a lot of) universities, the Government in the late 1980s set in train a great wave of third-level expansion, and also created a uniform six-year cycle at secondary level.
Some mistakes were made. Despite some necessary rationalisation, the health cuts which the Minister was required to implement were too severe. Of the many parallel positive development initiatives - on the IFSC, Temple Bar, on tourism, forestry, marine affairs, science, horticulture, decentralisation and urban renewal - all the political focus concentrated on the one, the transformation of the beef industry, which conspicuously failed. As a senior Fine Gael politician acknowledged to me some years ago about that, you can't win them all.
The foundations of the peace process were laid at that time, and the first substantial tranche of EU Structural Funds was negotiated. Anyone who served in or with the administrations from 1987 to 1992, and that included the Progressive Democrats under Dessie O'Malley from 1989, would have many legitimate reasons for pride in what was achieved, as indeed would Fine Gael, who under Alan Dukes supported the basic work of the 1987 minority Government.
All of this, part of the record, in fairness needs to be set against the serious matters under investigation and emerging from the tribunals. Dick Walsh would like to establish an organic and negative read-across between the two, whereas what many people are waiting for is some explanation of the contradictions. Although the relationship of what is under investigation to any public policy decisions, contrary to the public interest, has yet to be established, they represent a dark cloud.
While awaiting the completion of the tribunals' work, the Taoiseach, Mr Ahern, has made it clear some time ago as leader of his party that he fully supports the strictures by Mr Justice McCracken on the inherent dangers and undesirability of individual office holders privately accepting large financial donations. (Let it be recalled that, with none of the reluctance often attributed to it, Fianna Fail joined the PDs in taking the initiative in December 1996, in Opposition, on seeking without delay what subsequently became the McCracken Tribunal.)
Finally, as a matter of record, Mr Ahern was Honorary Treasurer of the Party from 1993, in effect a trustee of its finances, until he became leader. He was not its full-time fund-raiser or accountant. - Yours, etc.,
Martin Mansergh, Special Adviser to the Taoiseach, Government Buildings, Dublin 2.