Death of Savita Halappanavar

Sir, – The gathering moral panic around the prospect that the risk of suicide will be included in the anticipated X case legislation…

Sir, – The gathering moral panic around the prospect that the risk of suicide will be included in the anticipated X case legislation to allow for life-saving terminations of pregnancy in Ireland is highly regressive.

What exactly is feared? That hordes of promiscuous women will carelessly become pregnant and then lie and pretend to be suicidal to avail of Ireland’s soon to be freely available abortion services (presumably with the co-operation of unethical doctors)? And who are these mythical women?

The real women who have need of, and a fundamental right to, life-saving abortions in Ireland are our sisters, daughters, nieces, cousins, mothers, partners, wives, neighbours, co-workers, friends – they are all of us. The unseemly scaremongering in relation to the suicide ground is at best a disingenuous red herring and at worst a deplorable expression of misogyny that must be relegated to history as the centenary of this “great nation” approaches. – Yours, etc,

Dr NIAMH REILLY,

Senior Lecturer,

Global Women’s Studies,

School of Political Science and Sociology,

NUI,

Galway.

Sir, – My good friend Gordon Linney, former Archdeacon of Dublin, writes forcefully about the recent tragedy in Galway University Hospital and its wider implications for society (Rite & Reason, November 27th). As is customary with him, he expresses his views with clarity and compassion.

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I thank him not only for the excellent article, but for breaking the silence of the Church of Ireland in addressing many such issues confronting our country today. – Yours, etc,

WALTON EMPEY,

Former Archbishop of Dublin,

Rathmore,

Tullow,

Co Carlow.

Sir, – My reason for dismay and sadness at the death of Savita Halappanavar is partly explained by my own experience in a Dublin hospital 19 years ago when I presented with a serious condition while in the early stages of pregnancy.

I required aggressive treatment so as to prevent risk to my life. There was no question among staff in the hospital that my pregnancy should interfere with the treatment being carried out. I underwent surgery, before which I was informed that it was highly likely that I would miscarry due to the trauma of surgery.

I was distraught.

I recovered well. My baby survived too and was born a few months later. I believe both of us are alive and healthy today because of the prevailing positive culture and practice of saving lives in our hospitals. This is why I feel very much for the husband and family of Savita who tragically, for reasons we are not fully clear about yet, did not have the same experience as I had.

My concern is that the attention this case has attracted will lead to the enactment of legislation that may in the future put pressure on medical staff to carry out unnecessary abortions for fear of being found negligent.

Perhaps we the public should allow those investigating this terrible and tragic case to do so in a calm and rigorous fashion so that the outcome is fair for every one involved most of all for Savita, her husband Praveen and family. – Yours, etc,

FIONNUALA REDMOND,

Kilmacud Park,

Stillorgan,

Co Dublin.

A chara, – Faoi mar a bheifeá ag súil leis ó Phóilín Ní Chiaráin (iriseoir den scoth) tá an cur síos ina halt san Irish Times (Bileog, 21 Samhain) ar chás truamhéalach Savita Halappanavar thar a bheith cumasach. D’fhéadfaí ancheist a chur, áfach, an bhfuil sí beagáinín róthógtha le taobh amháin den scéal? Caithfimid cuimhneamh nár chuala muid ó mhuintir an ospidéil go fóill. – Is mise,

SEÁN Mag LEANNÁIN

Cillín Chaoimhín,

Co Chill Mhantáin.

A chara, – If the 4,000 Irish women who elect to make the trip to England every year were able to avail of services in this State, it would be possible to find out more about the cases that were simply unplanned pregnancies due to failure to use contraception.

Information about age group, likely scenarios where unprotected sex was likely to happen and other risk factors could be collated which would then facilitate targeted education about contraceptive usage. This would be similar to the techniques warning about the dangers of drink driving.

There are advantages in dealing with your own problems rather than exporting them. – Is mise,

ALEX STAVELEY,

Beverton Wood,

Donabate,

Co Dublin.

A chara, – As a healthcare professional, I am familiar with a number of treatments for suicidal ideation, from medication such as antidepressants and mood stabilisers, to counselling and psychotherapy, along with many other positive alternatives all of which seek to enhance life and promote better health.

Is Fine Gael seriously suggesting that we should add abortion to this list? – Is mise,

DAVID CARROLL, MPSI,

Travers Hill,

Boyle,

Co Roscommon.

A chara, – It is reassuring to hear Leo Varadkar, a medical doctor, confirm that it is “medically controversial as to whether a termination is an appropriate treatment” for suicide ideation (Home News, November 27th). Advocates for X-case legislation continue to suggest it would mean only limited abortion. However, opponents believe the introduction of this conditionality would change the grounds for termination from an evidence-based clinical decision by a senior doctor to a far more subjective assessment based on a patient’s thoughts and feelings. Such a subjective test is easily abused and would open the door to abortion on demand.

Unfortunately, Mr Varadkar then followed up by confirming that Fine Gael members would be bound by the party whip. Surely he’s not implying that his justifiable concerns based on medical experience, knowledge and ethics will be overruled by a diktat from his political party’s HQ? – Is mise,

GRAHAM QUINN,

Rutledge Terrace,

Dublin 8.

A chara,– I refer to the Taoiseach’s promises to deliver swift action on abortion, and to the group of Fine Gael backbenchers which has complained of being ‘“press-ganged” into moving too rapidly to deal with the matter (Front page, November 28th).

I feel that a brief history lesson is in order. In America, the landmark Roe v Wade case, in which existing state abortion laws were declared unconstitutional, took place in 1973. Abortion was legalised in Britain on July 14th, 1967. Our closest neighbours, then, grappled decisively with this issue more than 40 years ago.

That has given Irish politicians 40 years to consider their position.

Forty years to talk openly about abortion, and to debate the rights and status of women in Ireland. Forty years to retrieve this particular skeleton from the closet, where it has been shamefully gathering dust.

Forty years to consider whether or not the party line, “This is a Catholic country”, is an adequate reason for denying a young woman the chance of survival.

I never heard of a 40-year press-ganging before. – Is mise,

JENNY JUDGE,

St John’s College,

University of Cambridge,

Cambridge, England.

Sir, – Will those who are pro- choice consider the case where a woman with a precondition of depression gets pregnant in a family situation, and then feels suicidal, what is the medical practitioner who is asked to facilitate termination to do? – Yours, etc,

DF O’SHEA,

Pinecroft,

Grange, Cork.

Sir, – Last year, in international human rights law, a case came before the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination of Women for decision, which, if presented in the Irish courts would expose the shortfalls of the Report of the Expert Group and the plans to legislate for the X case.

In 2007, a 13-year Peruvian girl known as LC was sexually abused and became pregnant. In a state of depression, she attempted suicide by jumping from a building. The fall damaged her spine, causing paraplegia of the upper and lower limbs. Surgery was recommended to prevent her injuries from becoming worse and leaving her permanently disabled. However, taking into consideration the potential harm to the foetus, the doctors decided to postpone her operations.

The child’s mother requested an abortion and after waiting for 42 days the medical board decided against the request on the grounds that the girl’s life was not in danger. She appealed the case, on the basis of an independent report, which found that owing to the girl’s neurological legion, there would be complications expected during the delivery constituting a risk to the girl’s physical and mental health. In the meantime LC miscarried, and finally she was operated on nearly three-and-a-half months after surgery was originally recommended.

The delay in performing the surgery on LC did not amount to a real and serious risk to the life of the mother. It never would have. Due to the postponement of the surgery, LC’s health deteriorated and she is now permanently paralysed from the neck down, with only partial movement in her hands.

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women found that Peru in failing to provide access to an effective and accessible medical procedure violated Article 12 of the Convention on the right to health.

Notably, in 2005 the same committee warned Ireland that our constitutional law providing for abortion where there is a “real and substantial risk to the life”, as distinct from the “health” of the mother, was inconsistent with Article 12 and urged the State to facilitate a national dialogue on women’s right to reproductive health. This never happened.

If the tragic death of Savita Halappanavar has highlighted anything, it is that it must now be time to open this national dialogue. We need to amend Article 40.3.3 of the Constitution and provide for terminations where there is a risk of serious or permanent damage to the “health” of the mother. – Yours, etc,

Dr SUSAN POWER,

Lecturer in Human Rights Law,

Griffith College Cork,

Sullivans Quay,

Cork.