THE degree to which the Dail is seen as having become a mere rubber stamp for the government of the day is underlined by the fact that there was real shock in Government circles at its defeat on Tuesday evening on the Luas Bill which would have enabled CIE to provide light rail services for parts of Dublin.
The Government has had few, if any, close shaves in the Dail since it came to office in December 1994 and, as a result, its whips had become somewhat complacent. When they become complacent the backbenchers become lethargic and careless. The six who were unpaired and unexcused last Tuesday have been hauled over the coals and will not be facilitated again this session.
Even Dr Moosnjee Bhamjee, who has not been the Dail's greatest attender, will have to be present all day every day that the House sits from now on. That will be an unusual sensation for him. Bhamjee's excuse that he was nol feeling well caused great merriment on all sides.
Over the years, plenty of people had to drag themselves into the Dail day after day suffering from a variety of ailments ranging from sore heads to bad hearts, and nobody gave them much sympathy. Perhaps Bhamjee needed a medical certificate to specify his illness. An allergy to politics is not enough.
The word in Fine Gael was that Labour insists on getting more than its pound of flesh from its membership of the Government but when it comes to fulfilling its duties as a Government party many of its TDs are less than enthusiastic. Fine Gael feels that Labour likes all the advantages but is not prepared to put up with the disadvantages of Government.
Maybe it's right.
However, some of the truants cannot be too upset by the trouble they are in. The very next night the same Bhamjee and Jim Kemmy voted in one division and then scampered off and missed the next one immediately after. This infuriated Fine Gael even further. Some of the tensions are positively palpable.
THE first week of what were billed as the all party talks in Belfast was not a great success. The rows about George Mitchell between the unionists were positively venomous. The public attacks on David Trimble, for accepting him, by Ian Paisley and Bob McCartney were vitriolic.
There were supposed to be 10 parties involved. Some of these are fairly nominal entities but at least three of them are not now involved. Sinn Fein was not allowed in but as expected got more mileage out of being kept out than if it had been let in. The Paisleyites will not operate under Mitchell's chairmanship.
McCartney and Conor Cruise O'Brien, who describe themselves as UK Unionists, take the same view as Paisley. O'Brien has gone as far as possible from where he started politically. Is it not a great pity that his late father in law, Sean McEntee, is not around to comment?
WHERE the talks are is very problematical. All the indications are that it will be a long, hot summer in Belfast and Mr Mitchell and his two colleagues may well start wishing after a while that they could spend their holidays somewhere other than on Bangor beach.
They are quickly learning that the divisions in the North are not just between the two communities. They are nearly equally vicious within each of the communities. It is a curious commentary on unionism that, of all its different strands and parties, the most amenable to progress are those who represent former paramilitaries.
There was universal relief, as one might expect, on all sides of the House when Des Hanafin's divorce referendum appeal was shot down five nil by the Supreme Court. Even those who were anti divorce did not relish the prospect of another referendum.
Drapier was interested to discover that the Supreme Court unanimously feels that £500,000 worth of advertising, public relations and spin doctoring could not be shown to have influenced the result, even when the majority was only a few thousand votes.
In effect the Supreme Court is saying that, if the unconstitutional and improper expenditure had not taken place, the result would have been more or less exactly the same.
Drapier recalls reading some inspired information a month or two ago to the effect that the score in the Supreme Court was two all and everything depended on which way the new boy would go. The members of the court probably were not pleased to read that, particularly when the alleged views of each of them was made clear.
The saddest event of the work and indeed for a long time past was the removal of the remains and funeral of Del Garda Jerry McCabe in Limerick. Tens of thousands of people turned out to express their abhorrence of what had happened.
Last weekend members of the Government, for some reason, were trying to soft pedal the IRA connection with the Adare tragedy, but at least Commissioner Culligan is in no doubt and has made it plain that he and the Garda believe it was the IRA.
The disgust at what happened in deep rooted and genuine. A cowardly murder has few supporters. No wonder John Bruton became emotional that Pat Doherty, who only a month or two ago stood for the Dail, could not condemn that deed.
Although it did not get much coverage at home, Drapier feels that one of the more significant events of the past week was the state visit by President Robinson to Washington.
While official visits from all over the world to Washington are frequent, a full formal state visit is anything but common. The Americans are very careful about whore they entertain in this way.
It says a lot for both Ireland and Mary Robinson that this should be happening. Part of it, of course has to do with the presidential election in November, but there nonetheless a genuine commitment in Washington to this country and to the solution of its problems. There is certainly plenty of encouragement from abroad to sort things out on this island. Whether we respond is another matter.