The surprise arrival in Dublin of Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskiy sent a jolt of reality through the ceremonies marking the start of Ireland’s presidency of the Council of the European Union.
It was a reminder that serious decisions, with life and death implications for people on the far side of the Continent, will be in the Government’s hands over the next six months, with EU defence and security at the top of the agenda.
Closer to home, the Zelenskiy intervention will ask the Government and the Irish people whether they will continue to allow the Aughinish Alumina plant on the Shannon Estuary to supply raw material for the Russian war machine.
On Wednesday, the European Parliament passed a non-binding motion calling for sanctions to ban the future sale of alumina to Russia. The vote is seen as a symbolic gesture, but it will add pressure on the Government and the European Commission over the issue. A decision to ban the export of alumina to Russia would have implications not only for the employment prospects of people in the Limerick area but for the wider EU economy.
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Why Zelenskiy’s nod to Aughinish Alumina puts pressure on Irish Government
On a visit to Dublin last week, Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskiy briefly burst the upbeat mood of the EU presidency party by criticising companies based in European countries that continue to supply essential materials to Russia’s military forces. He didn’t need to name the company that was on his mind; all present in Dublin Castle, including Taoiseach Micheál Martin, knew he was referring to Limerick-based Aughinish Alumina.
At the level of domestic politics, the EU presidency is a double-edged sword. Doing it well is important for the country’s standing in the world but there is little or no political bonus for getting it right. If anything, the potential downsides outweigh any possible benefit for the Government. While the opening ceremonies for the presidency last week went off like clockwork, the grumbles from Dublin commuters and shoppers whose journeys were disrupted probably had a more direct impact on the public mood.
Another inevitable downside is the presidency absorbs a large amount of time and effort from Ministers and officials. Preparations began two years ago, and the process becomes all-consuming during the six-month duration of the presidency itself. It is a distraction from routine decision-making and that can have serious consequences for the Government’s long-term viability.
That said, the smooth handling of the presidency will boost the country’s reputation across the EU and over time that is worth more than the short-term financial costs or political distractions. Ireland has earned a reputation for knowing how to run a presidency and the long-term benefits are incalculable.
Our EU membership and the ability of successive governments to put Ireland at the heart of the union has been the central pillar on which our current prosperity was built. While US investment has been crucial, the principal reason for that investment was access to the EU single market.
The fact we are now net contributors rather than net beneficiaries to the EU budget has generated some critical commentary, but the crucial point is we have been transformed from a nation that went into Europe half a century ago holding a begging bowl to becoming one of the richest states on the Continent.
One of the obstacles of the presidency will be finding a way to grow the EU budget so it can face the challenges posed by the military threat from Russia and the economic aggression of the United States and China. Just because that will require a slightly greater financial contribution from us is no reason to object.
There is also the thorny issue of defence. With US president Donald Trump growing more critical of Nato, the EU is ramping up its defence co-operation and budget. The Irish EU presidency will have to facilitate that and be honest with the electorate about what is involved.
This month’s Eurobarometer poll showed 68 per cent of EU citizens agreed the role of the union in protecting European citizens against global threats should become more important. In Ireland, that figure was even higher at 78 per cent. So, the Government has nothing to fear from increased EU defence co-operation.
The key point about the EU presidency is it involves creating a consensus on the challenges facing the EU rather than promoting this country’s narrow interests. The biggest issue now is finding agreement on the next seven-year budget despite a standoff between the so-called “frugal” countries like Germany, the Nordic states and the Netherlands, who want to keep spending in check, and those from the south who favour more spending.
Ireland is in a good position to develop a consensus because while we are now, per head, one of the biggest contributors to the EU budget, we have not joined the “frugals” side of the argument. There is still an appreciation in the political and official world – and probably among the public as well – that financial transfers from the EU through the structural and cohesion funds were beneficial for us.
That said, no matter how well they run the presidency, Taoiseach Micheál Martin and his Ministers will attract criticism from some vested interests. It is still in the long-term national interest that they do the EU presidency well and progress essential reforms. This will help protect the EU’s position in a challenging world.
