Review must support what has been agreed (Part 2)

UUP

The UUP approach to the implementation of the agreement and to the concept of political change generally was entirely predictable. In fact it had been well signalled. When, in September 1997, David Trimble walked into the negotiations at Castle Buildings, flanked by representatives of the loyalist paramilitaries, he declared he was not going in to negotiate with Sinn Fein. He was going in to put Sinn Fein out.

After agreement was reached on Good Friday his approach remained unchanged. He made clear his intention to have Sinn Fein excluded from office in any executive.

Since then his strategy has been to assert unionist domination and control of the political process. The objective of that strategy has been to prevent, or reduce, the wide-ranging changes agreed on Good Friday 1998.

The peace process cannot be successful if it is subject to a unionist veto. The Good Friday agreement will never deliver on its undoubted potential if its implementation is filtered through unionism.

Engaging the UUP

Sinn Fein has attempted to engage positively with the UUP, despite that party's open political hostility and negativity to Sinn Fein.

Over the past six weeks Sinn Fein has engaged in a substantive round of discussions with the UUP at various levels, both formal and informal, in a concerted attempt to find a way forward. It is, in our view, critical that there is a greater understanding of each other's positions so that every possibility of salvaging the Good Friday agreement is fully explored. The UUP is blocking the implementation of the agreement and it is obviously essential that the motivation for this position be fully explored.

In order to facilitate these discussions we conducted these meetings in private and away from the glare of publicity which, at times, adversely affects the conduct of the discussions.

Conclusion

The full implementation of all aspects of the Good Friday agreement is essential. It remains the best chance to bring an end to the injustices, inequalities, domination and conflict that have troubled Ireland and its people for generations, and to move the situation towards a democratic peace settlement.

Sinn Fein is fully committed to the Good Friday agreement. Our commitment to the search for an overall peace settlement is absolute.

However, the harsh and unpalatable reality we are facing, almost 18 months after the Good Friday agreement was concluded, is that it has not been implemented, its potential has not been realised and the change which it promised has not materialised.

At a time when many, including the Sinn Fein leadership, have been arguing that politics can and will deliver change, change has been prevented.

No one should underestimate the depth or seriousness of the crisis we are facing. The future of the Good Friday agreement is at stake.

If the Good Friday agreement is to be salvaged, if the peace process is to make progress, the British government's approach has to change. It must implement British government policy - the Good Friday agreement.

The British government signed up to the Good Friday agreement. It is British government policy. The British government has a responsibility to implement the agreement as negotiated, not in a manner demanded by the UUP, which is outside the terms of the agreement.

The people of Ireland are democratically entitled to see established, without further delay, the structures agreed on Good Friday, and endorsed in subsequent referendums. Sinn Fein is democratically entitled under the terms of the agreement to executive office and to places on the All-Ireland Ministerial Council. So, too, are all other political parties with a sufficient mandate from the electorate.

These are mandatory provisions of the agreement. They are not subject to the discretion of Mr Trimble. David Trimble holds the position of First Minister only as part of mandatory power-sharing arrangements. If there is no Deputy First Minister then there can be no First Minister. If there is no executive then there can be no First Minister.

The test for the two governments, for the agreement itself and for this review is whether the provisions on democratic entitlement will be defended. The two governments are primarily responsible for ensuring that the provisions of the agreement are implemented, in the terms and within the time-scales agreed on Good Friday.

While Sinn Fein is justifiably critical of the British government we have acknowledged and commended the positive way Mr Blair approached the peace process. We have acknowledged that the question of Ireland is the single biggest challenge facing Mr Blair. He and his government hold the key to progress.

When Mr Trimble and his party boycotted the Assembly proceedings on July 15th they angered and annoyed nationalist Ireland and alienated international opinion, but this was incidental for the UUP. Their target was Mr Blair. They were telling him that they are not for moving.

He also was their target after the infamous Glengall Street meeting where they took only 15 minutes to reject the joint initiative of the two governments. So Mr Blair must face up to the reality that unionist loyalty is only to itself and that peace can only be established in the proper political contexts.

The Good Friday agreement provides the only way forward. It cannot be renegotiated at the behest of unionism. For Sinn Fein the agreement is the absolute bottom line.

Gerry Adams is president of Sinn Fein