John Bruton and Ruairi Quinn should start worrying: there is a new momentum behind Fianna Fail that was not there before, fuelled by proposals for extensive economic and social change and a huge amount of spending money.

From the moment the curtain lifted on the two-day political love-in at the RDS, the message was positive and constructive. The economy had grown by an unprecedented 7.5 per cent for each of the past six years and there was no sign of it slowing. Huge investment programmes lay ahead under the National Plan. Fianna Fail was in control. And the time had come for the rising tide to lift some of the smallest boats.

Bertie Ahern did not quote Sean Lemass's "rising tide" remark. He was far beyond that, moving to an economic place at the forefront of Europe; in charge of a shared vision of a better future for all our people. And the keys to that future lay in the £41 billion National Development Plan; a new social partnership programme and the Belfast Agreement. There was even good news for farmers when Joe Walsh predicted their incomes will rise by 15 to 17 per cent this year.

It wasn't just that the attendance at the ardfheis was larger. There was a noticeable shift in the number and quality of young speakers coming to the podium. The youth branch of the party - Ogra Fianna Fail - is in expansionary mode and its members were being actively encouraged to take their place in the political sun.

Public perception is crucial. And the image of a youthful, dynamic party can generate a phalanx of followers. Delegates voted to shake up the organisation by limiting to four years the length of time members can hold elected office at branch level. They created a new, free-floating membership category and they directed that at least two meetings of all local branches should be opened to the public each year.

After the success of last year's local government elections, when Fianna Fail, in Government, took control of a raft of county councils and stood a tradition of 33 years on its head, the party was cock-a-hoop. The latest opinion poll figures would have it back in government. The economy was growing rapidly. The Exchequer was awash with money. Investment, restructuring and privatisation were the catchcries. And . . . whisper . . . there were very large and juicy opportunities coming on stream and contracts "going-a-beggin".

But the flash days of mohair-suited ministers and in-your-face political patronage are no longer acceptable. Fianna Fail is cleaning up its act and promising high standards in political life.

Noel Dempsey assured delegates there was nothing for them to fear in the new code of standards in public life. And Mr Ahern spoke coyly of "matters that had damaged the body politic and brought widespread unease and disappointment to the party" before listing "undisclosed conflicts of interest, abuses and illegal acts, including misappropriation, corruption or tax evasion" as future no-go areas.

Simmering anger exists within the party over what members regard as a betrayal of trust. Indications to that effect surfaced when one young delegate declared the value of the code of conduct would arise only through its strict implementation by the parliamentary party. In that regard, he said, Denis Foley should never again be allowed to stand as a party candidate.

But the biggest cheer was given to the Clones councillor who urged a new funding system that would eliminate the "begging bowl aimed at big business". The Taoiseach, Ministers, MEPs and members of the Oireachtas should all be required to devote 10 per cent of their salaries to running the party, he said, with local councillors donating 5 per cent of their expenses. Unpaid members had worked to get them elected and they, in turn, owed a contribution to the party.

Elsewhere, John O'Donoghue was promising to do the divil and all about white collar crime and drug abuse, offering tougher legislation, tighter bail laws, more prison places and longer drinking hours. To hear the Minister for Justice talk, there was no connection between the fall in unemployment levels from 10 to 5 per cent since the Government took office and a reduction in the crime rate of 21 per cent.

A similar dichotomy existed where Charlie McCreevy and Mr Ahern spoke of great advances in reducing income tax levels for ordinary workers without once referring to the far greater cuts that had been made in the rates of corporation and capital taxes.

But a new social partnership programme would help to share wealth, while decentralisation, the National Development Plan and other Government policies would offer hope to deprived areas. With the plaudits of the Conference of Religious of Ireland in the bag, Fianna Fail was on the high ground. And there were more productive days ahead.

Mr Ahern, with the help of Fianna Fail, would build a better Ireland. They would eliminate poverty. They would eliminate unemployment. They would reduce crime and stop the spread of drugs. The economy and education would be sustained; the poor would be cherished and a lasting peace would be secured for our people.

It was heady stuff. And it brought delegates to their feet in stamping applause. Interruptions by antiabortion activists in the hall demanding a referendum were smothered by loud support for the party leader. And the Taoiseach may have gained brownie points on the delicate issue.

But the main focus was the booming economy and its wealth-creating potential. Mr Ahern promised everyone a decent quality of life, a first-class education and quality training, a properly paid job, good housing, and decent health and childcare facilities.

There were serious difficulties involved in delivering on commitments such as housing, transport and health. But the money was there and ministers were expected to deliver.

As for the North, the Taoiseach was not looking past the template for government established by the Belfast Agreement. In that context, decommissioning, the disbandment of paramilitary organisations and the demilitarisation of Northern Ireland were necessary elements in the creation of a lasting peace.

The new Ireland envisaged by Mr Ahern might take time, but Fianna Fail was determined to be directly involved.