The decision to send Irish troops to Liberia as part of a multinational peace support operation is a courageous one and marks an important policy shift, writes Dr Ray Murphy
The decision by the Government to contribute troops to the UN multi-dimensional peace support operation in Liberia (UNMIL) marks a significant shift in Irish foreign policy in relation to international peacekeeping.
In recent years there has been a move away from UN-commanded operations to those sanctioned by the Security Council but delegated to either "coalitions of the willing" or to regional organisations such as NATO.
Liberia is at the heart of one of Africa's most unstable regions. The deployment of a UN-commanded force with a so-called robust mandate is welcome by all who want to see peace in the region.
There has been much hype about the nature of the mandate and the rules of engagement for the force. In reality, rules of engagement are inherently ambiguous, and their interpretation has more to do with cultural background than Chapter VI or VII of the UN Charter.
How an Irish commander or a French or Nigerian commander interpret identical rules may differ.
The gross violations of human rights in Liberia require special attention be paid to the protection of civilians. It is essential that the Irish contingent has the capacity to take the necessary measures to ensure its own security, and that it not find itself a bystander to widespread human rights violations taking place around it. The equipment accompanying this contingent would seem to have taken account of this.
Neighbouring countries have supported an assortment of insurgent groups, some of which remain unpredictable and volatile. The warlords still pose a serious threat to the fragile peace process.
The early stages of any UN operation are crucial, but this is especially so in Liberia as UNMIL attempts to assert its authority and implement its mandate. It is vital that donor states and Security Council members provide adequate funding for an effective disarmament and reintegration process.
The recent attack on the UN compound in Iraq was a wake-up call for the organisation, not just in terms of security arrangements but also how it has come to be perceived as a vehicle for realising the policy agendas of individual powerful states.
Security Council approval of operations by self-selected coalitions of the willing has compromised the impartiality of the UN in the eyes of many.
There are two informal groups of states often acting as instruments of conflict resolution at the UN. They have no formal mandate from the Security Council or the General Assembly.
The first is the informal "group of friends". These are like-minded UN member-states supporting the objectives of the UN. Such countries lend leverage to the peacemaking efforts of the secretary general. In contrast, the second group are often self-selected, so-called "contact groups" of ad hoc coalitions, working separately from the Security Council and outside the framework of the UN. They may pursue their own objectives or that of the UN depending on whether these coincide.
Ireland must be alert to the consequences of aligning itself to contact groups that resort to the UN only when it suits their needs. This is the case with regard to the US and other occupying forces in Iraq at present. The Taoiseach's earlier indication that Ireland would consider its options in relation to contributing troops to a UN-approved mission in Iraq was premature.
This current deployment to Liberia, and commitments in Kosovo and elsewhere, will permit Ireland to decline any invitation to contribute to a force in Iraq without offending US sensibilities.
As Ireland assumes the EU Presidency it will give some credibility to our claim to military neutrality while supporting the broader objectives of the EU presidency. There is also the cost implications to the Exchequer compared to non-UN operations.
The US has historical ties with Liberia and it has a crucial role to play in this operation. It must maintain an "over the horizon" capacity for military intervention. Its support for the current UN mandate was probably motivated by the hope of achieving an early exit opportunity for its limited deployment earlier this year. The legacy of Somalia still haunts the Pentagon, and the priority remains Iraq and Afghanistan.
Ireland is the only European or western power to undertake this mission. However UNMIL's size at around 15,000 cannot substitute for quality. Contributors from the Economic Community of West African States, some of which were involved in Liberia's first civil war, dominate the force. It is important that the force be as multinational as possible.
This mission is certainly a courageous decision by the Government. It involves a serious degree of risk for the troops involved. The heavy support weapons will be of significant deterrent value, but the real threat is from lightly-armed groups with no real command structure. The blue beret will provide no immunity from attack, so soldiers must be prepared to face down such groups, especially in the early days of the operation. The early deployment of the Army Ranger Wing makes good tactical sense.
There is also the darker side of multinational military operations. It is inevitable that prostitution will flourish in such an environment. Most of those involved in the sex trade will have been victims of the brutal civil war. HIV/AIDS and other diseases are rampant. Liberia is a medical toxic environment that requires long-term, high-quality expertise in tropical medicines.
The Green Party in the Dáil expressed reservations regarding participation in an operation of this nature, stating a preference for so-called traditional peacekeeping. But such operations are increasingly rare, and would be wholly inappropriate in the security environment of Liberia or most other conflict-ridden African states.
Ireland has agreed to contribute to a country and region where the need is greatest. The success of the operation will depend on the Liberians themselves and on similar operations in neighbouring countries.
• Dr Ray Murphy is director of the Peace Support LLM at the Irish Centre for Human Rights, NUI Galway. He is a former Army officer with UN experience in Lebanon in 1981/82 and 1989. He has also worked in west Africa and Bosnia.