THERE is little consistency in politics. One day, there was outrage in the Dail over the State's failure to protect women from contaminated blood products; the next, there was fury over a Russian decision to minimise the risk of BSE infection to its citizens from Irish beef.
The debates reflected two contrasting sides of the one coin: consumer protection. The first focused on the damage done to innocent women and men by an inefficient, negligent and badly-regulated blood transfusion system. The second was driven by monetary and commercial considerations, with little or no concern for consumer interests.
Defenders of the Irish beef industry argue that the risk to public health is minimal. They may be right. The problem is that scientists have not managed to quantify it.
Having suspended imports of Irish beef in 1993, the Russians decided that a BSE level of 0.004 per cent was an acceptable risk in 1994 and 1995, following the introduction of specific controls and veterinarian visits.
They became our largest non-EU customer. But when the level of diseased animals in Irish herds doubled this year they reviewed the situation. And they decided not to take beef from Cork, Monaghan and Tipperary.
On October 1st, as the seriousness of the Russian situation became evident, Brian Cowen talked of the possible loss of all Russian exports, representing 350,000 cattle. The Fianna Fail spokesman on agriculture declared: "Should anything happen to this market, it will be not only a resigning matter for this Minister but for the entire Government."
IN the Dail emergency debate on Thursday, Mr Cowen accused Ivan Yates and the Government of "political failure" by agreeing to the exclusion of the three counties.
He didn't accept that the entire beef contract would have been lost if the demands of the Russian scientists had not been met. A few phone calls, or Russian visits by John Bruton, Dick Spring or Mr Yates would have sorted it all out.
It was all about political wheeling-dealing; nothing to do with public health.
The IFA kept up its insistent whining. John Donnelly led the charge in blaming the Government for all the ills of the beef sector; in demanding compensation for any losses and in criticising the exclusion of three counties from the Russian contract. There was no apparent awareness of the fears and demands of consumers.
Neither was there recognition of the damage done to the beef sector by a small number of renegade farmers who - in the three counties concerned - are under investigation for introducing diseased animals into their herds so as to secure high compensation payments.
The same, sad pattern was reflected in the ability of criminals to offer what they claimed were BSE-inducing materials to a wide range of farmers at the recent ploughing championships in Carlow without being immediately arrested.
The failure of IFA farm leaders to police their own industry is little consolation to the thousands of law-abiding farmers who are experiencing sharp falls in income. But it is a factor that must be addressed if consumer confidence is to recover.
Just as a major investigation into the operation of the blood transfusion service was required to reassure the public, it is time farmers co-operated in cleaning out their own stables. Easy to say, hard to do. Michael Noonan and Ivan Yates have already suffered serious political damage.
It was always going to be a bad week for Fine Gael. But as the days rolled by and the political manure grew deeper, Government backbenchers wondered if life had to be so disagreeable. They should have counted their blessings; it was far worse in Cabinet.
The scene was set by a weekend opinion poll which showed support for Fine Gael to have dropped by three points to 21 per cent since mid-summer, while Fianna Fail roared ahead to 50 per cent.
It was a real downer for a party planning to share a second term in government with the Labour Party and Democratic Left. But officials shrugged the figure off and looked to the November bail referendum to mend their fortunes.
There was always hope that a Fianna Fail banana skin might help. After all, Albert Reynolds was in the witness box in London, slugging it out with the Sunday Times over being called a "fibber".
The very fact that he was there was a pleasing notion for Fine Gael. Refreshing the public's mind about the confused and outlandish events surrounding the collapse of the blast Fianna Fail/Labour Party government could only be of help to John Bruton's aspirations.
Meanwhile, nerves were stretched taut at Cabinet. The beef deal which was going to send the IFA into paroxysms of rage had already been done, involving, in Fianna Fail's terms, "the re-partitioning of the country".
And the terms of reference for the judicial inquiry into the blood transfusion scandal were a source of dissension. Michael Noonan was giving way under pressure; agreeing to the "public interest" being legally represented for the very first time in this State. And surprisingly generous terms of reference were offered for the tribunal.
By the time the meeting ended, it looked as if the Government could contain political fall-out from the hepatitis C scandal. The next day, that strategy was in tatters. It was destroyed on the floor of the Dail by a few angry and ill chosen ministerial words, in which Mr Noonan insulted members of Positive Action and offended the family of the late Mrs McCole.
Abject apologies followed - prompted partially by the Taoiseach's Office - which sought to placate the angry women and minimise political damage. But the wounds were so deep that when Fianna Fail sought to broaden the terms of reference, three senior Fine Gael deputies spoke publicly in favour.
FACED by external and internal pressure, there was no contest. Collapse of stout party.
Anything to get shut of the controversy and to float it off into a formal legal hearing. With any luck, the tribunal would not make its final report this side of a general election.
Then, just as Fine Gael backbenchers thought they had hit rock-bottom, Jim Mitchell announced he was retiring from politics. After 19 years in the Dail, the Dublin Central TD and former justice minister said he had had enough. He was, going into private
The decision was understandable. Having failed to make the Cabinet in 1994, his political star was on the wane. And future prospects looked poor. He was getting out while still young. Efforts by John Bruton to change his mind had failed and Mr Mitchell's departure practically guaranteed the loss of a Fine Gael seat.
Blood and beef and a virtual defection. It was a bad week for Fine Gael. {CORRECTION} 96101700054