EAST TIMOR: Dr Jose Ramos Horta was in Dublin this weekend pleading for Ireland Aid programme status for East Timor. David Shanks asked the foreign minister about the complex language policy and identity of the world's newest state
Jose Ramos Horta left East Timor a few days before the 1975 Indonesian invasion. Until the occupation ended 24 years later, he was a tireless defender of his country's right to self-determination as its representative at the UN. In the early years, "my life in New York was not easy . . . I was broke most of the time; I was alone. I lived in tiny cockroach-infested apartments. I missed family, home. My work on East Timor was lonely, frustrating as it seemed hopeless and most people would not care to hear."
But the world did listen, finally. Today an insight into independent East Timor's world view can be found in its complex language policy.
During last month's independence celebrations Ramos Horta opened his press conferences saying he would take questions in at least four languages - English, Portuguese, French and Spanish - "but, sorry I do not speak Bahasa Indonesian".
I asked the multi-lingual Foreign Minister why, after almost 500 years of colonisation, the Democratic Republic of East Timor had adopted two official and two working languages in its constitution (as well as three names for the country).
"There was no simple way out . . . it has to do with how East Timor can preserve its national identity." Interestingly, he sees adopting Portuguese, the language of the original colonial ruler, as one way of doing this.
This national identity was the foundation of the resistance to Indonesia's occupation that ended in 1999. "Language is absolutely fundamental in the identity of a country."
Portuguese and Tetun, until now a lingua franca among about a dozen indigenous tongues, are the new official languages. Portuguese is spoken by only about 10 per cent of the people, while 70 per cent speak the simpler Tetun. It bears influences of Portuguese. ("Bondia" is "good day".) English, spoken very little, and Bahasa, spoken by most young people, are the working languages in the constitution.
But Ramos Horta (53) says the adoption of the language of Timor's original colonial ruler "had nothing to do with the older generation's nostalgia for Portuguese". Some commentators said this but it "is simplistic and it is stupid".
"Malay-Bahasa Indonesian is a language that was imposed here by force, unlike Portuguese. Portuguese was not imposed because the Portuguese didn't even bother teaching the language anyway. So Portuguese was slowly absorbed over centuries.
"Bahasa is not terribly important for the future of East Timor. Everybody says 'your largest neighbour speaks it'. Well if Indonesia were Japan or Australia or the United States we would learn the language of our neighbour.
"What I mean is that if you have a neighbour that is extremely rich then there are advantages to learning the language," says the minister and Nobel Peace Prize laureate.
"We are not saying everyone has to learn four languages."
What is the Timorese identity and culture? "Well I would say the East Timorese identity is a very strong Portuguese and Catholic mixture with animism.
Alongside it you have Malay Polynesian, all the Melanesian influences - some of them are very distinct. This makes East Timor extremely rich culturally, interesting and in spite of this diversity there are two common threads:
"One is the Catholic that makes the country very cohesive. Ninety eight per cent are Catholic. The other is its colonial boundaries. That created a nation called East Timor" (or Timor Leste, the official name in Portuguese).
East Timor's services industry - for now it has no other - is currently dominated by (English-speaking) Australia, making the place seem an Australian colony. Ramos Horta says the adoption of Portuguese and Tetun was "the best way to state East Timor's national identity and to protect it from cultural invasion from English and Bahasa Malay".
The minister explained the foreign policy of Timor Loro Sa'e (the Tetun name, meaning Timor Rising Sun) in terms of ASEAN membership and the "strategic priority" of good relations with Australia. "China, Japan, South Korea, the EU, the US are other power blocks that are of enormous importance." And he paid tribute to the roles of Norway, Sweden, Finland, Spain, Ireland, and Britain. "Of course Portugal has been incredibly generous."
Ramos Horta came under attack during the independence events from mainly Australian solidarity activists for appeasing Indonesia by supporting a US resumption of military contacts, suspended under the Clinton administration. While he has "the most sincere respect" for the activists "my position is very simple".
"We cannot view Indonesia as if nothing has changed since 1999. Indonesia is no longer occupying East Timor."
Jakarta had recognised its independence and taken serious steps to resolve the refugee problem in West Timor. The anti-independence Indonesian-sponsored militias are being dealt with and "trials are going on in Jakarta".
But the trials don't go to the top of the Indonesian military command? "Although there is a lot of scepticism about it, let's wait and see and pass judgement when the time comes."
The suspended US-Indonesian military contact involved "non-lethal equipment for the Indonesian navy" as well as training in the US in "human rights, humanitarian law, civic duties and so on".
"Would that be very helpful? I don't know . . . ? But it would send a positive signal to Indonesia. The question is with a country like Indonesia they take some steps in response to international pressure. And if we don't take a step ourselves towards acknowledging their efforts they feel that the world only puts pressure on them without acknowledging the difficulties they have and the changes they are making." The Indonesians feel under siege.
In the 1970s, Jose Ramos Horta was one of a group of Afro-haired left-wing agitators, a member of the now ruling Fretilin party. But he says: "I was never a Marxist in my life. I am the founder of the very first social democratic party, the ASDT, which later became Fretilin. Fretilin was after a while dominated by Marxists and I was isolated because of that." Today he is non-party.
His personal life has been a point of interest over the years. His former wife, Ana Pessoa, is the Justice Minister.
"Maybe some people question that she is in the government. But I am not the Chief Minister. I did not make the decision to invite her to join the cabinet.
"But if I were the PM I still would invite her to be the Justice Minister.
"We have a terrific son who was educated by her and she deserves all the credit for this great boy."
"Am I a ladies' man, a Don Juan? Well, I can only say . . . don't believe in 90 per cent of the stories told about me . . . I don't have any privacy in East Timor so my private life is very reduced."
There is another woman in his life.
His mother, who lives in Sydney, "is a tough woman with an enormous courage, a deep sense of truth and justice."