1916: Looking forward to looking back

The 1916 centenary has become an extensive programme of almost 2,000 events, and even some early critics of the plans now accept that there’s ‘very positive stuff in there’


After many months of debate and preparation, plus the occasional hiccup, the official centenary commemorations of the 1916 Rising have begun.

On New Year's Day the Peace Proms concert at Convention Centre Dublin and the Defence Forces' flag-raising ceremony at Dublin Castle kicked off a centenary year that the Government hopes will avoid the mistakes of the unashamedly republican 50th-anniversary commemorations, in 1966, and the muted, almost apologetic 75th-anniversary events, in 1991.

This year’s commemoration showcase, synchronised with other events nationally, will take place on Easter Monday – March 27th – where it all started: at the GPO on O’Connell Street in Dublin. It will involve a full military parade, including an Aer Corps flypast and a 21-gun salute.

In the absence of an official Independence Day, or Republic Day, it’s as close as Ireland gets to the martial spectacles that are routine elsewhere.

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"I was determined that it should be anchored by respectful and inclusive commemoration," says Minister for Heritage Heather Humphreys, who has chaired the all-party State committee on commemorations. "If you look back to the 50th commemorations, in 1966, it was seen to be quite divisive, but 2016 will be very different: sombre and reflective.

“But 2016 is also a year for celebration. We should be proud of what we have achieved over the past 100 years, proud of the fact that we are one of the few countries in Europe to maintain a continuous democracy over the last century.”

But that democracy requires a general election to be held by April 8th. February seems the likely date for it, but Easter week could still coincide with an election campaign or the presence of a caretaker government.

"It's a pity," says the historian and Irish Times columnist Diarmaid Ferriter, a member of the State advisory group on 1916. "You don't want this stuff to be happening in the middle of a vacuum. You could have even a caretaker taoiseach in place."

While this may partly overshadow the main events, the Government says that the centenary programme is unlikely to be significantly affected by election results.

“It’s worth remembering that the formal ceremonies are just one element,” Humphreys says. “The electoral cycle will have no impact whatsoever on the education programme, the community-led initiatives and the commemorative events planned by . . . the GAA and Comhaltas, for example, all of which form part of the official programme.”

Grassroots

Grassroots organisations will take justifiable pride in their events, but the State’s ceremonial and capital plans will inevitably command the most attention. More than €30 million has been committed for eight capital projects. This includes seven “permanent reminders” projects, one of which is a new, €5 million visitor centre at Kilmainham Gaol.

They also include Pearse Cottage, in Ros Muc, Pádraig Pearse’s Gaeltacht getaway, and a new performance space in the Kevin Barry Room of the National Concert Hall, scene of the treaty debates. Richmond Barracks, in Inchicore, where more than 3,000 rebels were imprisoned, is being restored, and a tenement museum on Henrietta Street, in the middle of Dublin, is also in the pipeline.

The most controversial project has involved four buildings on Moore Street, also in the middle of Dublin, where the rebels had their last headquarters; No 16 was where the decision was taken to surrender, on April 29th, 1916. The State has paid Nama €4 million for the buildings, which are due to open as a commemorative centre towards the end of the year – timing that has left some relatives of the rebels unhappy.

“It’s not going to be ready in time for the centenary, but everything doesn’t have to be ready,” says Ferriter. “It’s better to get this stuff right. We’ve a long decade of commemorations, and there’s very positive stuff in there. Governments are under pressure to incorporate the relatives, some of whom speak as if they should be placed on a pedestal, which can generate tension. You can’t please everyone.”

The 1916 Relatives Association was unable to comment for this article, but Humphreys praises the collaboration offered by relatives and other groups. “The State will host a special reception for relatives on Easter Saturday, and we continue to meet with the main relatives group on a regular basis.” (While relatives will get the royal treatment, it is unlikely that a member of the British royal family will attend, after the Government backed away from the proposal as a potential distraction and a security risk.)

Humphreys also praises the support from “across the political spectrum”. Sinn Féin, which plans to spend €500,000 on parallel events, including a 33-week exhibition at the Ambassador Theatre and parades on Good Friday and Easter Saturday, has joined in the all-party committee and is supportive of the centenary programme.

“The plans are a lot better than they were in November 2014, which seemed to be just thrown together,” says the Sinn Féin TD Aengus Ó Snodaigh. “They have listened to proposals in the intervening time, and at last they have put some money towards some of the projects. Between the Government and local plans, it’s a far-ranging programme of events. I think we’ll have a good year of commemorations.”

Sinn Féin's proposal to project a "free theatrical" light show on to the GPO was turned down, however. "It is An Post policy to not allow any commercial or political usage of the building," Anna McHugh of An Post says. "There were lots of ideas about, but we'd begun our planning four years ago. A lot of people feel ownership of the GPO building. We were conscious that it would be something everyone could feel proud of, no matter what your background or politics."

The result is GPO Witness History, a new €10 million development – the centrepiece of the State’s permanent reminders – built in a courtyard inside the building. An Post says it expects at least 300,000 visitors a year. “Compared to the museum that was there, this is on a whole different level,” McHugh says. “It’s vastly superior.”

Difficult birth

Although it is broadly welcomed now, the centenary programme had a difficult birth. In November 2014, water-charge protestors hammered on windows of the GPO as the Taoiseach and Tánaiste unveiled a “framework programme” on five themes: remember, reconcile, imagine, present and celebrate.

The 1916 Relatives Committee stayed away and spoke of a parallel programme for “anyone upset or annoyed” with the Ireland 2016 programme, which Conradh na Gaeilge accused of using Google Translate for its Irish-language website.

The ill feeling was capped by a launch video that featured Queen Elizabeth, David Cameron and Ian Paisley in a perky montage but made no mention of the 1916 leaders. It was later quietly removed.

At the time Ferriter called it “embarrassing, unhistoric shit”.

“Which it was, to be fair,” he says.“You can’t shy away from the fact that the State was born in violence. It was an Irish manifestation of a very violent international climate. I think there were lessons learned from the early mistakes. Although a lot of the resulting programmes were vague to begin with, it was clear they were trying to strike a balance.”

People’s commemoration

Dividing the programme into seven strands, including “cultural expression”, “global and diaspora” and “youth and imagination”, the director of Ireland 2016 embarked on a four-month consultation.

"We said we'd get on the road and talk to people across the country," says John Concannon, who also worked on the Gathering. "It's a people's commemoration; it's for citizens. So we said we'd get around and listen to people."

Concannon and his team had planned one meeting for each of the 26 counties. Interest mushroomed, and they ended up doing 84 workshops. “It was phenomenal. Some people assume it’s a Dublin thing or that it’s too historical. But we did a workshop in Longford, which had nothing to do with the Rising, and the place was mobbed. Across the country, local people have taken ownership of it.”

Close to 2,000 community events are now planned through local authorities, supported by €4 million in State funding. About a sixth take place in Co Cork.

"We have a packed schedule, in fairness," says Conor Nelligan of Cork County Council. "There will be a huge commemoration of Thomas Kent, in Castlelyons, on May 15th, and a State ceremonial event on March 28th in the city, synchronised nationally." (Local listings are available at Ireland.ie, under "community participation" section of the programme.)

Three thousand or so primary schools have received a flag and a copy of the 1916 proclamation. A Proclamation Day is scheduled for March 15th.

Internationally, 1,000 centenary events will take place in 100 countries, including a lavish series of events at the John F Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, in Washington, DC, and one in Nigeria based on Roger Casement’s development-aid work.

In conjunction with Ireland 2016, RTÉ has also planned a big programme, including the five-part drama Rebellion (see Ronan McGreevy's article below) and a documentary narrated by Liam Neeson.

So comprehensive have the 2016 commemorations become that the main quibble may be less about the content of the centenary plans than about their sheer volume.

Century of violence: ‘We’re going to be stuck with it’

Not everyone is pleased with the 1916 centenary plans. Like the former taoiseach John Bruton, the historian Ruth Dudley Edwards believes that the Rising was unnecessary for Irish independence and that its continued importance keeps the tradition of physical force alive in Irish politics.

“Let’s cast a cold, clear eye on the tradition Ireland has embraced, which is all about killing people,” she says. “And we’re going to be stuck with it every generation, because I don’t suppose the Irish people are ever going to say we should delegitimise 1916.

“All politicians in Ireland say 1916 and the War of Independence was right. Fine Gael say 1921 was the end of it being right. Fianna Fáil say 1923, the end of the Civil War. Sinn Féin, meanwhile, say violence was legitimate until 1998. Now, say the IRA dissidents, it’s still okay. And they are completely logical: they say if Patrick Pearse said it was all right, then it’s still all right. Nineteen-sixteen introduced a terribly toxic thread of physical violence, and we’ve had a century of it ever since.”