The two Governments have produced their long-awaited package of proposals for the implementation of the Belfast Agreement. The Northern Secretary and the Minister for Foreign Affairs have urged cool heads, calm nerves and a period of careful reflection on all parties before they respond. But the sine qua non - the decommissioning of the IRA's arsenal - is so far missing. Two sovereign governments and the democratic parties, North and South, are left waiting for the IRA - to complete the picture.
That this should be, is surely testing the limits of tolerance in a democracy. The two governments "have now agreed the elements of a package", Mr Cowen and Dr Reid announced yesterday. They declare that "the package covers all four outstanding issues - policing, normalisation, the stability of the institutions and decommissioning". So far, it does nothing of the sort. It can only be hoped from this statement that the governments are aware of, and have agreed, some sequence or initiative on the "indispensable" decommissioning element. Otherwise, language is being misused and democratic authority has been compromised as never before.
The Government has placed a 24-hour blackout on any information about the words and actions awaited from the IRA. It is sticking to the mantra that nothing is agreed until everything is agreed; no one element can be seen as a precondition for the others. This, at least, may reassure those who are appalled at the apparent willingness to allow Sinn FΘin and the IRA to dictate the pace and course of events.
Republicans and nationalists are being offered an enormous amount. The two governments have advanced a series of proposals to further democratise control of the police service and to de-militarise the security structures in Northern Ireland. The British government has agreed to Sinn FΘin's demand for amending legislation to fully implement the Patten Report on policing. It will avoid the use of plastic bullets except where there is a serious risk of loss of life or serious injury. It will publish a revised implementation plan to deal with such contentious issues as the badge, symbols and the membership of the Policing Board.
There is a commitment also to carry out "a progressive rolling programme reducing levels of troops and installations in Northern Ireland". The military structures to be demolished are outlined: the sangar at Newtownhamilton Police Station; Magherafelt Army base; and observation towers on Sturgan and Camlough mountains in South Armagh. And finally, the First Minister's role in nominating Ministers to attend North/South Council meetings will be curtailed. Ministerial attendance will be agreed six months in advance to give stability to the political institutions. But all such moves can only make sense in the context of a demilitarised society.
One side of the package to save the Belfast Agreement has been announced. The other side of the deal - if there is one - must be made manifest quickly. It must not be dragged out over time with weasel words or arcane formulations which seek to lend legitimacy to the armed conspiracy that remains in the shadows.