President George W. Bush's visit to Europe this week comes at a crucial time in the transatlantic relationship, making it important from his point of view that it should go well. And so it has, judged on the evidence so far. At his meetings with NATO and EU leaders in Brussels and Gothenburg, he has been authoritative and co-operative, displaying a good grasp of the issues and a readiness to address them constructively. This sets the scene for an important speech in Poland today on US policy towards Europe and for tomorrow's vital meeting with President Putin in Slovenia at which he will seek to convince the Russian leader of his peaceful intent.
The statement issued yesterday after the summit meeting in Gothenburg goes well beyond the usually obscure trade policy disputes that have dominated these summits in recent years. High politics intrudes, with agreement to disagree on global warming, a firm joint commitment to trade liberalisation and a new World Trade Organisation round (if little concrete progress towards setting its agenda).
There is agreement, on the basis of the Mitchell report, to work jointly on the Middle East if violence stops. Mr Bush signalled his willingness to maintain a US presence in the Balkans (although he has resisted pleas for NATO intervention to prevent a rapid deterioration in Macedonia). On Korea, there is also the prospect of joint action to bolster the dialogue between north and south, following the valuable initiative taken by the Swedish EU presidency to fill a vacuum created when Mr Bush froze it early in his presidency.
Asked yesterday how he responds to a stronger EU, Mr Bush said he appreciates competition and that the US benefits from a more powerful and peaceful Europe. He also emphasised the huge coincidence of economic interests and values between them. These are important signals at a time when transatlantic tensions have been increasing; but they do not in themselves determine whether those will be resolved amicably. At his meeting with NATO leaders, Mr Bush explained why his administration wants to move beyond Cold War strategic nuclear doctrines by creating an anti-missile defence system. He received support from a minority of NATO members. But most European states remain quite unconvinced, believing this would destabilise relations with Russia and lead to a new arms race.
Ireland has a strong interest in good relations between the US and the EU, given the extent of trade and investment in both directions. The polarity of Boston or Berlin, posed in recent discussion, is misleading if it implies a choice must be made between them. That is more the case for the differing economic and social models associated with most European governments and the Bush administration. It does not apply to the main elements of the transatlantic relationship, whose constructive development benefits all those involved.