Charles is a wealthy man, as MPs examining his estate have discovered. Lynne O'Donnell reports
The announcement that Prince Charles is to marry his long-term consort, Mrs Camilla Parker-Bowles, will refocus attention on what many, including his mother, Queen Elizabeth, regard as his extravagant lifestyle after a parliamentary committee this week accused him of fiddling his books to avoid paying tax.
As Mrs Parker-Bowles prepares to become HRH the Duchess of Cornwall, her future husband could be forced to give up a medieval privilege that for almost seven centuries has enabled heirs to the throne to fund their champagne-and-polo lifestyles without accountability.
British media have professed shock at the income the prince draws from the vast estates that are his by privilege of birth, and noted that much of his spending goes on keeping Mrs Parker-Bowles comfortably ensconced in an apartment at Clarence House, with secretary and chauffeur, and an expensively fashionable wardrobe.
Amid the minor furore fuelled by republicans on the House of Commons Public Accounts Committee, many of whom claim parliamentary allowances of around £100,000 a year, not much has been said of Prince Charles's philanthropic work, his commitment to a wide range of social issues, or the fact that he takes little money from the public purse.
When committee members grilled senior members of the prince's staff earlier this week, Mr Alan Williams, a Labour parliamentarian from Wales well-known for his republican sentiments, said Charles's income last year of £11.5 million was roughly equivalent to the earnings of 450 of his constituents "crowded into a barn". Prince Charles, he said, "wins the national lottery every year," although he voluntarily pays income tax of 40 per cent.
Central to the skirmish were the duchies of Cornwall and Lancaster, ancient estates that have been handed from monarch to heir since 1337 and 1399, respectively, and are exempt from corporation and capital gains tax.
The estates are not owned by Charles, but are private property bestowed by every sovereign on the heir, and are not required by law to submit accounts to the public auditor.
That did not stop Sir John Bourn, the auditor-general, from telling the committee that he "would like to see the books" of Cornwall and Lancaster, adding fuel to the republican accusations that the Prince of Wales had something to hide.
Cornwall is by far the most lucrative of the estates, worth an estimated £460 million. Set up by King Edward III to support his son, who was known as the Black Prince, the duchy was presented to Charles, along with the title Duke of Cornwall, by his mother on his 21st birthday. It has grown from a collection of tied farming plots to a huge portfolio of property and other investments, including the Duchy Originals brand of organic foods and spin-off products.
While Prince Charles paid £4.4 million in tax on his Cornwall income last year, committee members noted his earnings had risen 300 per cent in a decade, and the man in charge of estate accounts, Mr Bertie Ross, was accused of running it "like a private fiefdom". Mr Ross protested, saying income had risen because "the estate is being well-managed". He and his colleagues were told by one committee member, Tory MP Ms Angela Browning, a monarchist, that their lack of transparency was handing ammunition to the republicans as they sought to criticise Prince Charles over a perceived profligate lifestyle and dishonest accounting.
Long the easiest target of the anti-monarchist cause, Prince Charles has been derided for every aspect of his life - from his enduring love affair with Mrs Parker-Bowles, who became his consort after the death of Princess Diana, to his love of polo, luxury cars and fine wines. Even the queen is reported to have criticised Charles's penchant for lavish parties and a huge phalanx of personal staff as "extravagant".
Nevertheless, the prince has bravely championed unfashionable causes that have seen him dubbed stupid, out-of-touch or just plain loony, but which have later become part of the normal social fabric, such as organic farming, environmentally-sensitive architecture, public housing and putting history back on the national school curriculum.