IT WAS Terence O'Neill who first remarked despondently that moderates don't go to political meetings. He was commenting on what has been an abiding reality of political life in Northern Ireland: that although opinion polls show an overwhelming majority in favour of compromise, this does not translate into votes at the polls. People who wear white ribbons for peace do not join political parties.
There are exceptions, of course. The Alliance Party soldiers on. Militantly moderate, it provides a space for those who believe that there can be no future for Northern Ireland until political leaders move out of their tribal trenches.
I went to their conference at the Balmoral Conference Centre in Belfast at the weekend. There were a lot of familiar faces, those who have fought the good fight over the years in trying to bridge the sectarian divide: David Cook, Oliver Napier, Mary Clark Glass, Louis Boyle, Steve McBride, Seamus Close and many others.
Often, listening to other politicians talk about the Alliance Party, it is hard to understand the degree of irritation which John Alderdice and his colleagues provoke. It has been easy to dismiss them as middle class, middle of the road, irrelevant to the jagged cut and thrust of Northern Ireland politics.
But there is a real edge to the way unionists accuse Alliance of cuddling up to the Provos, while nationalists dismiss it as just another unionist party. It can't be (can it?) that Alliance is willing to talk to anyone, or that John Alderdice does often sound, reasonably enough, like a psychiatrist trying to persuade a patient to take responsibility for his own situation, rather than looking for somebody else to blame.
The party and its leader have increased their authority in the 20 months since the IRA's ceasefire. Nationalist politicians, particularly Sinn Fein, owe a serious debt to John Alderdice for the decision, which cannot have been easy personally or politically, that Alliance should play an active role in the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation at Dublin Castle.
When the Forum was set up to provide some way of bringing Sinn Fein into the political process, there was a danger that it would be an exclusively nationalist talking shop. John Alderdice may protest that Alliance is not a unionist party, but at least he and his colleagues were able to give a credible interpretation of the views of the unionist community on many issues.
The presence of the Alliance Party also made it easier for a remarkably broad cross section of the unionist community from organisations representing loyalist prisoners to business and trade union groups to come to Dublin Castle and make their case.
Although last weekend's conference took place before the formal announcement of the British government's proposals for elections in Northern Ireland, Dr Alderdice bad some points to make, both about the electoral process itself and about the assembly to be established in Belfast.
Although both the SDLP and Sinn Fein remain bitterly opposed to elections, Dr Alderdice argued that all political parties in Northern Ireland need to test the water just now.
It is true that we are in a dramatically changed situation since the IRA's ceasefire. New figures have made an impact on the political scene, such as David Ervine and Billy Hutchinson. The established parties on both sides need to be able to demonstrate the strength of their mandate before the talks proper start on June 10th.
If Sinn Fein does well at the polls it will not only strengthen Gerry Adams's hand with the British government, but should also help to persuade the dissidents within the IRA that politics is a viable way ahead.
GERRY Adams is not the only person who needs a mandate. David Trimble has to establish his authority as leader of the Ulster Unionist Party in his own right. He owes his election to hardline activists in his own party and is still in thrall to that constituency.
The Ulster Unionist Party has always maintained that it would never talk to Sinn Fein and, if Mr Trimble is to engage in negotiations, he will have to know that the voters support this change of direction. John Hume may still feel that all this could have been done more efficiently if his proposal for a referendum had been taken up, but Dr Alderdice argues persuasively that it would have been impossible for the UUP to become involved in talks without a strong electoral showing.
As to the proposed forum, the Irish Government has prevailed in ensuring that the new body will have "no legislative, executive or administrative functions" and that it will be entirely separate from the negotiations proper. In other words there is no way that it can be used as a Trojan horse to smuggle in the makings of a new Stormont. Its role will be "to discuss issues relevant to promoting dialogue and understanding within Northern Ireland".
If that is the case, it could have more than a passing resemblance to the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation. That, at least, seems to be what John Alderdice is hoping for. The Alliance leader has spoken - in an interview with An Phoblacht last week - of the importance of the Forum, and how he believes a similar body in Belfast could have the potential to tap into the resources and experiences of a wide variety of people from both parts of this island.
The success of the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation was due to a number of factors. These included the patient and inclusive chairmanship of Judge Catherine McGuinness, the resourcefulness of the secretariat in persuading people to take part in the dialogue, the commitment of the political parties involved.
Presentations were often genuinely thought provoking. The address by F.W. de Klerk was impressively practical about the nuts and bolts of the peace process in South Africa. If it were possible to bring him to Belfast, his words might be even more relevant and important to listeners there.
THERE was another aspect of the Forum which was arguably as important as any of the formal presentations and debates. The setting in Dublin Castle did provide a neutral space where people, who were initially ignorant and mistrustful of each other, were able to get to know each other in a gradual way. Great care was taken to ensure that this could happen.
Politicians to whom I've spoken have all agreed on this fact and testified to its value. Friendships were formed and trust created which managed to survive even the breakdown of the IRA ceasefire. It is the reason one most regrets the decision to prorogue the Forum after the breakdown.
The road to a settlement is likely to be long and stony. Everybody involved is aware of this. If there is an opportunity to try and re create in Belfast the force for peace and reconciliation which was presided over by Judge McGuinness and her officials at Dublin Castle, then Sinn Fein and the SDLP should think very seriously indeed before they decide to boycott it.