YOU win some and lose some. The political career of Michael Lowry, ground hurler, successful businessman and controversial Minister, hangs by a thread. Events pre-dating his appointment as Minister threaten to cause his dismissal.
Mr Lowry fought a rearguard action last night, promising a full and accurate account of the events which surrounded the alleged expenditure of £207,820 by Dunnes Stores on his home, Glenreigh House, near Thurles, Co Tipperary, in 1993. He insisted the financial transactions had "nothing to do with my ministerial responsibilities and predated my appointment to Government". He asked for time to respond.
The events do pre-date his appointment as a Minister. The question is: are they compatible with that position?
Time is a wasting asset for Mr Lowry. John Bruton will come under tremendous pressure to deal quickly and fairly with the latest controversy to rock Fine Gael and the Coalition. If even a whiff-of financial impropriety remains after explanations are proffered, Tipperary will lose a Minister.
Over the past number of years, two semi-state companies have lost senior executives because of irregularities in their remuneration packages, and Mr Lowry has championed a "clean-up" of the sector. In those circumstances, any Minister would have to be squeaky-clean to retain the confidence and respect of State employees. Nobody offering a "that-was-then, this-is-now" excuse need apply.
There is a growing suspicion that Fine Gael is accident-prone. Hardly had the heat gone down on Nora Owen over the recent Special Criminal Court fiasco than Mr Lowry emerged once again in an asbestos suit.
First there was Minister of State Phil Hogan, who fell on his sword over the early release of budget details in 1995. And then Hugh Coveney accepted demotion to junior Minister because of his misjudged telephone call, seeking the inclusion of his company among those tendering for a Bord Gais contract in Cork. And then Mr Lowry got in on the act.
Heading a commercial State sector worth more than £2,900 million in annual contracts is a huge ministerial responsibility. And when politics enters the equation through allegations of political favouritism and proposals to privatise lucrative businesses, the mix takes on the characteristics of Semtex.
Mr Lowry knows about controversy, and most of it has been self generated. But he has also become the butt of a nasty whispering campaign which suggested ministerial favouritism in the awarding of State contracts.
It would appear to be a case of "doing to your enemy what was done to you". Fianna Fail and business people have long memories. And Mr Lowry's silly-season allegations of 1995 when he spoke of a "cosy cartel" of Fianna Fail businessmen battening on commercial State companies, rankles still.
The Minister failed to justify his allegations of widespread abuse in the State sector. In a series of developments which included complaints about covert surveillance and the activities of Fianna Fail business supporters involving CIE, Mr Lowry talked up a political storm which led to a Dail motion of no confidence in him.
Fine Gael's Government partners were not enthused by the Minister's proven "foot-in-mouth" ability. And when Mr Pat Tuffy finally appeared on RTE to make unfounded allegations, Mr Lowry seized the opportunity to withdraw from the damaging controversy.
But a Minister in charge of 10 major commercial companies cannot escape the public eye. Eight months later, he advised the Government to remove Eddie O'Connor as Bord na Mona chairman because of controversy over his remuneration. More recently, the granting of a digital telephone licence to Esat; the sale of a 20 per cent stake in Telecom to a foreign telephone combine and the LUAS light rail system for Dublin kept Mr Lowry in the news.
A detonator was added to this explosive political mix in the form of an internal Dunnes Stores memo outlining an investigation into the expenditure of £207,820 on the private home of Mr Lowry near Thurles in 1993.
The fact that the document forms the basis of an internal Dunnes Stores family dispute is immaterial. The work was authorised by Mr Ben Dunne, former chairman of the company, and was charged to work on Dunnes Stores premises at the Ilac Centre in Dublin.
At the time, Mr Lowry was a director and founder of Streamline Enterprises, a company which was employed to service the refrigeration units of Dunnes Stores in Munster. There is no suggestion that he was aware the money had been charged to work done at the Ilac Centre. And Mr Lowry resigned his Streamline directorship on entering government.
Back then, Mr Lowry was chairman of the Fine Gael Parliamentary Party and a very successful fund-raiser. He became a key player after he backed John Bruton against a leadership "heave" and he was central to the negotiations which led to the creation of the present Coalition Government of Fine Gael, the Labour Party and Democratic Left in 1994. John Bruton owes him in spades.
But political survival has its own an inflexible code. There is a certain awful ritual about it. The wounded and the weak are tossed overboard when the ship of state begins to sink. The action is in the interest, of course, of the greater good. The opposition parties withdraw, temporarily, to a decent distance. After that, the waters turn carmine.
A political feeding frenzy has yet to descend on Leinster House. Initially, Bobby Molloy of the Progressive Democrats PDs showed a little too much hunger when he asked if Mr Lowry, during his tenure as Minister, had any dealings with Dunnes Stores or with its former chairman. Had pre-ministerial business relationships influenced the refurbishment of his private home, Mr Molloy harried; was this an under-the-counter payment for services rendered; or had it been recorded as collateral benefit accruing to a company director and fully taxed?
Fianna Fail held its fire, deciding to await a full explanation before opening up on the Government. But the weaponry was oiled and readied.
The Minister was in touch with his accountants and auditors for much of the day and promised a full statement. But, as the hours dragged on and no explanation was issued, Fine Gael spirits within Fine Gael began to flag and members of the Labour Party and Democratic Left became increasingly uneasy.
Labour was particularly unhappy. It was a Fine Gael problem and the responsibility for handling it lay with John Bruton, one source said. It had nothing to do with Labour. And certainly it had nothing to do with Dick Spring, the Labour Party leader, who was not the moral conscience of any politician other than himself.
He had no wish to ride shotgun on any Minister. They all had their own judgments to make.
Democratic Left was equally reluctant to become involved in what was seen as a Fine Gael problem.
The Minister said he had no intention of being "bounced into an early decision". The public awaits his detailed explanation. By Colm Keena