There was only one real topic in Leinster House this week and that, of course, was the threatened foot-and-mouth epidemic. From the moment the first outbreak was confirmed in England just under a fortnight ago, the apprehension and fear in here has been palpable.
More than any other animal disease, foot-and-mouth has a place in the folk memory, enough of a place to send shivers down any spine.
In one sense, Drapier was surprised at the reaction. Most of his younger colleagues have no direct memory of the disease, and even for the older members the memory is a very distant one. Yet the inherited communal memory is such that no prompting was needed to bring home the enormity of what we may face.
It's in the nature of such happenings that as soon as the early willingness to co-operate has passed and the sense of immediate shock dies, the hard questions begin to be asked.
So far much of the anger has been directed at the UK, apparently so slow to react to the early signs, so sluggish in putting precautionary measures in place and so incompetent in its detection procedures that in a single decade it has been the source of both BSE and foot-and-mouth.
But inevitably the spotlight will soon turn inwards. Already questions are being asked about the slowness of our early response, the absence of precautionary measures at airports, ferry ports and the like, and the absence of a single co-ordinating body to deal with the crisis in its entirety.
To a considerable extent people are depending on others to do the work, with some of the journalistic reports from around the country pointing to a frightening level of inaction.
Drapier has no doubt we are on the edge of a major political row, and our agriculture Ministers, for so long able to hide behind the EU shelter, will find themselves in the firing line. That's the way politics goes, and for the Ministers the biggest difficulties will be the utter unpredictability of what may happen, and a departmental apparatus gone rusty.
The biggest political casualty of the week was the Fine Gael ardfheis. It's the first serious setback for Michael Noonan. The party had hoped for an enthusiastic ardfheis, crowned by a successful South Tipp by-election.
Well, as they say, man proposes, God disposes, and Michael Noonan was wise to get in quickly and take the initiative in calling off the ard fheis, rather than having the decision forced upon him. With the quickly concocted Dublin conference he will at least get his leader's address broadcast in full, which is the only part people watch in so far as they watch at all.
The postponement of the by-election is a bigger loss. South Tipp was tailor-made for Michael Noonan, and in Tom Hayes he has a blue-chip candidate. It's doubtful, however, if much will change between now and the election, but the loss of momentum could be a worry.
Nor will Fine Gael be the only ardfheis casualty. Fianna Fail is due to hold its ardfheis in early April, and while it would be nice to think this crisis could be over by then, it is unlikely to be, and Fianna Fail may well be forced into a restricted ardfheis. Drapier can think of worse things than a restricted or truncated ardfheis.
Meanwhile, what about the new, improved Order of Business? Is it working?
The answer, as to most questions, depends on who is asking. From Bertie Ahern's point of view it's less comfortable, longer and more tedious than before. That is when he turns up. He missed two days last week and one this week. For good reasons, but one suspects with a certain degree of relief. The Order of Business now takes at least an hour and often more. To what end? some are asking.
It certainly pins the Government down. Awkward questions can be asked, even if more often than not they are ducked or ignored, as happened persistently this week when Ruairi Quinn sought to raise the Ned O'Keeffe affair.
The new topical element does broaden the scope of what can be raised, and both Noonan and Quinn were quick to make use of it this week. But Drapier sees a sense of overload. So much is now raised there can be an absence of focus, which allows the Government blur the Opposition attacks.
But it is still early days. It will take both sides a little time to sort things out. The proof of the pudding will be seen when we face any issues the Government really wants to avoid and we will see then how effective the new format is.
RAY Burke was back in Dublin Castle this week. It was the old Burke: the swagger was back in the walk, self-confidence was in full supply and the presentation was of a man who did what he had to do, within the rules as they then applied, at ease with his own conscience and with no reason not to be.
That, at least, was the presentation, and the impression was very strongly conveyed that he would tell it as he saw it, let the pieces fall where they may. Nor was there any hiding of the view that he knew a great deal about others during this period, and clearly feels under no obligation to any other than himself at this stage.
A week is a long time at a tribunal, as we will see, but it is clear we are once more approaching a heavy season. Those names we all thought had gone away - Gilmartin, Flynn and Lawlor - are all soon to make their appearances or reappearances, while the Lindsay tribunal, which is now entering its political phase, may also have a few surprises. The Century saga has the odd kick left in it, too.
Finally to the Electoral Amendment Bill, or more precisely to the neatly hidden-away subsection (k) of Section 49 of that Bill, which significantly raises the amount candidates can spend on elections.
Last weekend we had reports in some newspapers that some Ministers were uneasy about the increased spending, especially since Fianna Fail seemed to be out on a limb as far as corporate spending was concerned, and especially against the backdrop of tribunal revelations.
If he was having doubts, Noel Dempsey was keeping them to himself when he replied to the second stage of the Seanad debate last Tuesday. His speech was the epitome of sweet reason, begging Labour in particular not to revisit the embarrassment when Mary Upton was a few bob above the limit in her by-election. But there was no evidence of any change of mind.
That is until Wednesday night on Rodney Rice's radio programme, when Noel told us he had an open mind. Drapier has news for Noel. He may have an open mind on the issue. The Taoiseach does not, and that is where the matter rests at present.
