Decision to resign now as leader is right for himself and is right for his party

When Dick Spring took over a traumatised Labour Party in 1982, the organisation was riven by argument over whe ther it should…

When Dick Spring took over a traumatised Labour Party in 1982, the organisation was riven by argument over whe ther it should attempt to change society by entering government or by putting forward alternative policies from opposition.

Many left-wing members saw their primary role in opposition, as a party of protest rather than as a party of government, and they were deeply suspicious of the leadership and of the ambitions of the parliamentary party.

Fifteen years on and the party has been transformed. It is unashamed in its pursuit of power and forceful in the implementation of its policies. From being regarded, disparagingly, as Fine Gael's "mudguard" in the formation of coalition and inter-party governments, it became a major political player in its own right.

Over the past five years, in particular, its liberal and social agendas - influenced significantly by Democratic Left - dominated the programmes of the governments it shared, first with Fianna Fail under Albert Reynolds and later with John Bruton and Fine Gael. There had been complaints, Mr Dick Spring said yesterday, that all politics was now centrist and consensual but, he insisted, it was "a matter of objective fact that the political centre in Ireland is further to the left than it was 15 years ago."

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That is an understatement, but it wasn't all Mr Spring's doing. The transformation of Irish politics was accelerated by the formation of the Progressive Democrats in 1986, and the decision by Charles Haughey in 1989 to abandon Fianna Fail's "core value" and form a government with the PDs, speeded that process.

The shattering of traditional moulds and the emergence of the PDs and the Labour Party as vital players in government-formation has made coalition governments the norm now. More importantly, it has threatened the future of Fine Gael as the alternative government party.

Bertie Ahern took particular pleasure yesterday in praising Mr Spring for his "correct and courageous" decision to enter government with Fianna Fail in 1992. Together, the Taoiseach said, they had helped to launch what had become "the longest-sustained boom in the Irish economy", had initiated major social progress and reforms and had facilitated the Northern Ireland peace process.

Heaping lavish praise on Mr Spring in a three-page script was not a totally altruistic act by Mr Ahern. The Taoiseach was looking ahead and taking out insurance against an unexpected result in the next general election. Good relations with the Labour Party could mean the difference between sitting on the government or on the opposition benches.

Having shared a Cabinet room with both Ruairi Quinn and Brendan Howlin in 1992, Mr Ahern was satisfied he could do business with the Labour men if the need arose - and there was no harm in keeping Mr Spring sweet.

There were gloomy faces in Fine Gael as TDs contemplated the two front-runners in the succession race. It had been difficult enough to deal with Dick Spring, but the new leadership pretenders had exhibited signs of extreme comfort while sharing a Cabinet table with Fianna Fail. Given a choice, there was a worry that Mr Quinn and Mr Howlin would respond positively to the bigger party's blandishments.

If that happened, the outlook would be bleak for Fine Gael, but not so joyless as if Mr Spring had succeeded in his grand ambition to supplant Fine Gael as the second-largest party, which he had looked perilously close to doing in 1992. There was comfort in such thoughts.

Perhaps because of this long-standing rivalry, on both a personal and party basis, John Bruton's tribute was short but generous. Praising Mr Spring as a patriot who was cool in a crisis and loyal to his colleagues, the Fine Gael leader also appreciated the hard work, sense of humour and strategic thinking he had displayed in the last government.

From the other end of the political spectrum, Mary Harney spoke of his "true and tremendous service to the State" in relation to the peace process and Northern Ireland. She had regard for him as a fine parliamentarian and a distinguished minister for foreign affairs.

Proinsias De Rossa also found kind words to say about Mr Spring, but he cast a jaundiced eye on a suggested merger of the two parties, as advocated by the departing leader. A platonic relationship with the Labour Party was fine where the Democratic Left leader was concerned, but marriage was out of the question.

The two parties had, Mr De Rossa admitted, developed a good, friendly working relationship over recent years. He hoped co-operation would continue under a new Labour Party leader and he suggested this could be achieved by each party respecting "the integrity and independence of the other".

Mr Spring's decision to resign at this stage is right for himself and correct for his party. The nature of his going creates a positive impression at a time the party desperately needs resuscitation and his successor will inherit a united party.

Having scaled the heights of political success and tasted the dregs of recent defeat, the retiring leader laid down a few markers for his successor.

They had secured great achievements in government, he said, but the agenda was far from complete. The largest disparity of wealth of any of the developed countries existed in Ireland and the Celtic Tiger had failed to deliver to thousands of families living in deprived communities.

The Labour Party had to re build and to engage in a radical overhaul of its image, its organisation and its policies. Solutions had to be community-based and increasing prosperity had to be shared. The concept of a "social guarantee" should be developed and there should be a realignment on the left.

Mr Spring delivered much the same message to last April's pre-election party conference, in Limerick, but the formula didn't work on that occasion and the party lost nearly half of its Dail seats. Since then, an equally traumatic presidential election compounded the damage.

At this stage, it would seem that hard work and local reorganisation, rather than quick political fixes and fine words, are the only way back for the Labour Party and its new leader.