Shaping Europe's military order

ANALYSIS: The EU’s developing security policy works best when the interests of member states converge, writes DANIEL KEOHANE…

ANALYSIS:The EU's developing security policy works best when the interests of member states converge, writes DANIEL KEOHANE

EU GOVERNMENTS launched the European Security and Defence policy (ESDP) at the Cologne summit in June 1999. Coming only weeks after Nato’s war in Kosovo, the basic idea was that Europeans could respond to future international crises without depending on the US. Has ESDP met those expectations over the last decade?

The 2001 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington dramatically changed the threat perception and security priorities of the US and European countries. Two wars followed, in Afghanistan and Iraq, that involved many EU states, exposed divisions within the union, and still represent formidable challenges for international security. Against this turbulent strategic backdrop ESDP has not generated so many international headlines, except when there have been disagreements between governments, for example over the relationship between the EU and Nato.

But a closer look at the actual policy shows that ESDP has substantially improved Europe’s contribution to international security. Despite the dramatic changes in global security since 1999, the EU has initiated some 23 peace-support operations in Europe, Africa and Asia since 2003.

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Furthermore, the EU works on the assumption that complex security challenges cannot be tackled using only military means. It is able to deploy a mix of civilian and military means drawing on the resources of its states and the European Commission. The EU’s broad approach to international security is more similar to that of the UN than Nato – which by definition has a much narrower approach since it is a military alliance and only uses military resources.

To illustrate, only six of the 23 EU operations have been military missions; the other 17 have deployed police, border guards, monitors, judges, and administrators.

Their tasks have included training Afghan and Iraqi police forces, monitoring the Rafah crossing point in Gaza, and overseeing the implementation of a peace agreement in Aceh, Indonesia. The current rule of law mission in Kosovo integrates police, justice and customs officials, and has executive powers to counter organised crime. Most EU operations have taken place in its neighbourhood, namely the Balkans, the Caucasus, the Middle East and Africa. This fits in with a strategic trend. The US is stretched due to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

It is true that EU operations have been relatively small compared with UN or Nato operations – the largest was a 7,000-strong peacekeeping operation in Bosnia (which now numbers 2,200). But for the most part they have achieved their goals. Plus EU operations are starting to become larger and more challenging, such as the 2008 deployments in Georgia (300 ceasefire monitors), Kosovo (2,000 police, judges and customs officials) and Chad (3,700 soldiers).

EU operations have been most effective when there has been a clear convergence of member state interests. The current EU monitoring mission in Georgia is a case in point. It was deployed only weeks after the August 2008 war between Russia and Georgia, and shows that the political determination of EU states can translate into a mission that makes a difference on the ground, when no other international actor could intervene.

Strong political convergence between EU governments also explains the decision to launch the current naval operation Atalanta off the coast of Somalia to fight piracy.

None of this is to say that there have not been shortcomings with some EU operations. At times there have been real difficulties, such as a lack of qualified civilian personnel or adequate military equipment.

Plus, from DRC Congo to Afghanistan, the co-ordination of ESDP operations with other European efforts, such as aid projects managed by the European Commission or national programmes for reforming local security forces, needs to improve. The EU also needs to develop its co-operation with other organisations, such as the UN, Nato and the African Union, which often operate alongside EU missions in crisis zones.

Ireland has played a major role in the development of ESDP. As a percentage of armed forces, the Irish Army has the highest figure in the EU for contributions to the six EU military operations.

An Irish general, Pat Nash, commanded the EU’s successful peacekeeping operation in Chad, which protected over 400,000 displaced persons and refugees fleeing from the Darfur conflict, before handing over to a UN force. Plus, Irish civilians, such as gardaí, have participated in EU civilian operations in Bosnia, Georgia, Kosovo, and the Palestinian territories.

Few would have predicted in 1999 that within 10 years the EU would send ships to Somalia, police to Afghanistan, monitors to Georgia, judges to Kosovo and soldiers to Chad. The number and variety of its operations show that ESDP has made a real difference on the ground, helping to resolve conflicts and build peace around the world.


Daniel Keohane is a senior research fellow at the EU Institute for Security Studies, and co-editor of European Security and Defence Policy: the first 10 years(1999-2009), available from www.iss.europa.eu