The Italian political crisis of the last few days which was temporarily resolved yesterday serves as a reminder that Italy's European interests now require greater political continuity and stability. Otherwise the reliability of its regional security role in Albania and its determination to participate in the first wave of economic and monetary union, would be put very much into question.
In Italy, cabinet coalitions tended to change annually in the post war period. But normally their collapse did not lead to fresh elections but rather to a reconfiguration of the parties in power. The communists were permanently excluded from office, while the permanent government of civil servants and technocrats provided indispensable continuity through the vicissitudes of cabinet formation. After the end of the Cold War, this stable structure rapidly unravelled into the much more turbulent corruption scandals, as the parties realigned and the rules were changed, culminating in the formation last year of the cabinet led by Mr Romano Prodi, in which the ex communists are the largest party.
The question that must be asked following this crisis, is how sustainable and durable have been the changes to the political system wrought in the last few years? Do they herald a new stability allowing for greater international involvement and a more disciplined fiscal policy in line with the Stability and Growth Pact agreed at the Dublin EU Council last December? Or do they simply reproduce the old patterns of political factionalism and short term tactical advantage and their associated stereotypes in the international community?
The behaviour of leaders of the opposition on the left and right of Mr Prodi's government during this episode, certainly leaves a good deal to be desired from the perspective of the need for far reaching structural change. But at least Mr Silvio Berlusconi yesterday pulled back from his threat to bring down the government by withdrawing his motion on the Albanian force and agreeing to support the government's very similar one. He must have been convinced by the spectre of the government falling - and Italy's international standing suffering as a result - just at the moment when it needs to be able to demonstrate a new durability. After his highly ambiguous and opportunist attitudes to the Italian blockade on illegal immigrants from Albania, it is not surprising that there is much public cynicism about his intentions.
As was freely admitted on all sides yesterday resolution of this crisis may be very short lived. The hard left wing Rifondazione Communista, which holds the balance of power in the Chamber of Deputies and critically supports the government, has signalled opposition to the next phase of welfare and pension cuts necessary to ensure Italy's adherence to the Maastricht convergence criteria for monetary union. Steering them through will be a real test of Mr Prodi's standing and will provide an indication of whether his centre left government can break decisively with the historical average length in office of Italian administrations since the war. Much rides on his success, since the issue of full Italian participation in international security and monetary union will be an important determinant of the future shape of Europe integration.