FF and Crime

Fianna Fail's policy document on crime deserves a welcome if only for the fact that it recognises the necessity of approaching…

Fianna Fail's policy document on crime deserves a welcome if only for the fact that it recognises the necessity of approaching the area in a planned and coherent manner. It is a positive contrast with the Government's stumbling, ad hoc response to events.

But it is an electioneering document and, as such, it is rich in generalisations and promises. Rural Garda stations will be kept open. More gardai will be appointed. Another review of the Garda is promised even though the problems confronting the force have already been well documented in a plethora of earlier reports and reviews, most recently that by consultants to the ongoing Strategic Management Initiative last November.

There are also some silly and meaningless assurances. A deputy commissioner will be assigned to drugs-related crime, for instance. Drugs-crime is already the responsibility of the Deputy Commissioner (Operations). And there are some sweeping generalisations which, if taken at face value, will change the face of Irish society. Fianna Fail will support a policy of "zero tolerance" on crime. Do they really know what that means or what the implications would be for the criminal justice system in general and for the courts and prisons in particular? If the gardai are to prosecute every drunk, and every child who cycles the wrong way up the street, the system will grind to a halt.

But for all this, it is a good document. It promises a White Paper with full input from all agencies and interested parties. This is the way to tackle any issue. Criminal justice has stood out from other areas of State business in having to operate without guiding objectives, without overall policy direction and without research. Ideally, there should be a full-scale commission on the criminal justice system but apparently the party took the view that this would simply retard the process of getting to grips with issues. That is an understandable but erroneous analysis. And unless the White Paper's conclusions are underpinned by research into the causes and extent of crime and into the effectiveness of the various agencies, it too will fail in its objective.

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The policy document is on firmer ground in its review of Garda organisation. It readily acknowledges the continuing uncertainty about the role of the force - and more specifically its relationship vis a vis the Department of Justice. It is also implicitly critical of the Department's "paternal and interventionist" approach.

All of this is welcome and significant progress. In government, Fianna Fail has often been overly protective of the Garda and unwilling to let the force stand on its own feet. The policy document signals an important change of direction. Its support for legal regulations which will clearly delineate the precise areas which are the operational responsibility of the Garda Commissioner - as opposed to the Minister for Justice - is especially significant. And the proposal to make the Commissioner - rather than the secretary of the Department of Justice - the accounting officer of the force should also make for a better managed, more confident Garda force.

Fianna Fail has made an important and, in general terms, a thoughtful contribution to the debate on crime. The contrast with the complacent, defensive approach of the Government towards the issue could hardly be more complete.