China has been playing a strong diplomatic gameover human rights in recent weeks, following the disarray among western states over the annual vote at the United Nations Human Rights Commission. Several European states refused to go along with a critical resolution, which allowed China once again to head it off this week by a procedural motion in Geneva. Ireland finds itself at the receiving end of Chinese displeasure, as the Ambassador in Beijing is called in to hear a protest about this State's support for the resolution sponsored by Denmark.
The Ambassador, Mr Joe Hayes, has spelled out the reasons for this support and has denied that it represents an intrusion into China's internal affairs. He pointed out that respect for fundamental freedoms and human rights has persistently been a priority of Irish foreign policy. Work on it has recently been upgraded. He mentioned the treatment of political dissidents, the excessive use of capital punishment, restrictions on freedom of assembly, expression and religious practice as particular concerns, along with the need to improve the impartial administration of justice.
Given that the Danish resolution covers much of the same ground it would not have been open to the Government to vary its policy if it were to remain consistent. Nor, it has to be said, does Ireland have pressing economic interests to protect in its relations with China by going softer on these issues, as it is widely assumed has motivated changing German, French, Greek, Spanish and Japanese policy. This is no excuse for allowing them to do so. The more China develops the more open it must become to universalist commentary and criticism. This is half acknowledged by the more sophisticated defence of its positions being put forward by several Chinese experts. They emphasise the historical or evolutionary character of human rights practice in developing states rather than dismiss international criticism outright from a relativist or strict sovereignty position.
In Ireland's case there is an additional reason to remain consistent and vocal on the human rights issue. The Government can hardly throw its weight behind Mrs Robinson's campaign to become the next UN Human Rights Commissioner and simultaneously modify its position to protect a particular interest. It will be interesting to see whether the Chinese government attempts to link these two matters by opposing Mrs Robinson's candidacy. The indications are that it will not do so, largely, perhaps, because it would stand little chance of succeeding. The Chinese need to take care that the strong hand they have played on the Geneva vote does not rebound on them in the US Congress over Hong Kong. The latest proposals to limit rights after the territory's reversion have raised fears that they want to push back the political boundaries there further than is strictly necessary to roll back the changes unilaterally introduced by Mr Chris Patten.
This episode gives an opportunity to assess Ireland's relations with China in a broader framework. Quite aside from the human rights issue there is a case for a much greater effort to develop trade and investment in order to take advantage of the huge potential arising there. There is a disturbing complacency and caution about allocating the necessary resources to it among Government agencies.