It has been a quiet week, probably the quietest so far this year, and once again the Sheedy case continued to generate most interest. By now Drapier has heard some extraordinary and outlandish rumours and, no doubt, such rumours will abound and grow until the matter is resolved.
Among politicians, however, there is a growing sense that the case is, in essence, straightforward and leaves no mystery to be cracked. It seems the resolution of the case rests squarely with the judiciary itself and in particular with its Chief Justice, Mr Justice Hamilton.
Given the much-proclaimed independence of the judiciary, we politicians have no role other than the ultimate sanction of impeachment, and that is a possibility nobody in their right mind wants to contemplate.
There is indeed, in Nora Owen's phrase, a "Cahirciveen connection" but nobody sees any involvement by John O'Donoghue. Yet when John O'Donoghue cries "foul", as he did in the Dail, he should throw his mind back to his time in opposition when, with great vehemence, he held Mrs Owen "personally and directly" responsible for every unposted letter or negligent clerk within the system.
At the centre of the Sheedy case Drapier sees one main point. Were procedures breached? Was due process flouted by those sworn to uphold such process? If something untoward happened was it a one-off or was it symptomatic of something deeper?
These are the questions Drapier wants answered. He has an open mind and, like most if not all politicians in here, bears no animus towards the judges or the county registrar. In fact, most people who know the men concerned speak well of them.
But Drapier does want answers. There can be no question of the judiciary behaving as if this is all happening behind closed doors in the accommodating atmosphere of a gentleman's club. There can be no question of the public not having the right to know the whole story, and there can be no question of not being told in authoritative terms whether the behaviour so described was appropriate or not.
It is not an easy task for people who sit in judgment on others to now sit in judgment on their peers. But it is what is expected, and anything less than complete openness will do untold long-term damage.
The whole saga has been tragic and unfortunate. Tragic for the O'Brien family who lost a wife and mother; tragic for Philip Sheedy whose moment of madness cost a life. And, sadly, it has been unfortunate for those caught up on the fringes in a way Mr Justice Hamilton has yet to determine.
For the moment, however, as far as politicians are concerned it's over to Mr Justice Hamilton.
And this time the expectations are high.
The Hillsborough talks ended just as the Houses were breaking up for Easter, and it's only this week that the full extent of the crisis is sinking in. The level of disaffection felt by Sinn Fein and the IRA is there for all to see, and there is little enough that Gerry Adams can do to bridge the gap between his position and that of the two governments.
The line taken by Bertie Ahern is the line also taken by John Bruton and Ruairi Quinn. In that sense, Mr Ahern does not have to worry about noises off-stage in Leinster House, a luxury not accorded to Mr Bruton or Mr Quinn when they were in office. It is a situation accepted by Fianna Fail as its right, that it alone is the only party capable of dealing with Sinn Fein and the IRA.
Fianna Fail has always pointed to its origins and its early history as giving it a particular insight which allows it to pursue a carrot-and-stick approach when appropriate.
The problem is that no one wants to think in terms other than the carrot approach. No one sees Mr Ahern in terms of the stick; in this case in terms of the harsh policies used by de Valera when he judged that the safety of the people and the survival of the State demanded extreme measures.
That people should have been thinking and talking in such terms this week is indicative of a deep sense of pessimism. We have become so accustomed to thinking in terms of progress - maybe painful and slow but progress nonetheless - that the possibility of failure has all but vanished from our minds.
But sometimes there are circles which cannot be squared. The commitment of the IRA to democracy has never been one of principle but simply as one more means to a particular end. If it does not work, discard it. And Sinn Fein is still, in some respects, "a slightly constitutional party".
So far a way has been found around every difficulty. But this one stubbornly refuses to be resolved to allow the process restart. Time is on nobody's side. The ugly face of loyalism is an ever-present provocation. At this stage, anything, literally anything, could happen and it is the realisation that nobody is really in control which many people find so ominous.
Meanwhile, at a more mundane level, the pattern for the European elections is starting to take shape but with no great sense of excitement.
In Connacht-Ulster, the result is a foregone conclusion. Joe McCartin, Noel Treacy and Pat "The Cope" Gallagher might as well pack their bags, so certain are their chances.
In Munster, the question being asked is: where is Dana? Not a word has been heard of her for weeks. Is this part of a surprise strategy or have the polls told her something the rest of us don't know? Drapier, like many others, would like to know.
As things now stand the only real question in Munster will be the destination of the fourth seat and whether Labour's Paula Desmond can make a real impact.
In Dublin, Mary Banotti and Niall Andrews are the clear frontrunners. The general view is that there is one "left" seat in Dublin, but whether that seat goes to Labour, the Greens or Tony Gregory is something nobody is prepared to be dogmatic about. All of which leaves the fourth seat as the one which is seriously available, and at this stage it could go anywhere.
Finally, there's Leinster. Two Fianna Fail candidates, Jim Fitzsimons and Liam Hyland, look secure, and it's neck and neck between Avril Doyle and Alan Gillis for the one certain Fine Gael seat. This leaves the last seat up for grabs between Nuala Ahern, the second Fine Gael runner, and Sean Butler of Labour.
The preferences will be the deciding factor in this particular contest, which has previously thrown up some tantalisingly narrow margins, as Michael Bell knows only too well.