Well, it wasn't the tumultuous week some expected, but it certainly was significant. Fine Gael, and John Bruton in particular, seem to be running into increasing trouble over its rushed investigation. The report suggested that there were major unanswered questions on the part of three party members.
While Drapier doesn't know the other two involved, he does know Liam Cosgrave well and has not met a single person, of any party, who believes that he would have acted improperly. Not only because of his personal integrity, but also because his sense of the importance of his family's unblemished tradition of public service is so powerful.
The Fine Gael experience should be a salutary lesson for Fianna Fail. It points out the limitations of what you can find out without the panoply of resources and powers available to the Flood tribunal.
Knowing Rory O'Hanlon, Drapier is certain that his team has been as thorough as it can be, but the lesson of the last week is that it can only achieve so much.
As for those fine people in the Labour Party, Drapier has no doubts what Ruairi Quinn's tactics are. Ruairi thinks he can repeat Dick Spring's 1992 performance and present Lab our as a party without a sullied past and standing alone in calling for a clean future. This would explain their curious volte-face on all-party action.
Before the meeting of leaders on Monday last, Ruairi laid out his proposed timetable for legislation. His key demand was an assurance that legislation could be enacted by the end of the year. Once this was offered, however, he dismissed it out of hand and headed off on another round of denunciations.
When news of this petulance spread, some of Drapier's colleagues could be heard muttering Groucho Marx's famous comment on Doris Day: "I remember her before she was a virgin." Well, Ruairi might want to act the corporate virgin now, but others of Drapier's acquaintance don't have such a selective memory.
Over the past few days Ruairi could be heard in every possible forum declaring that corporate political donations are, by definition, corrupting.
Must we therefore assume that the £27,000 in donations he received in 1997 in amounts over £500 was corrupting? Were the cheques from Irish Intercontinental Bank or Treasury Holdings, or the debt write-off from Woodchester corrupting? Was Eithne Fitzgerald's tantalising offer of "unique" access to Ruairi for just £100 a go corrupting, too?
Obviously not. Drapier does not believe that Ruairi, who is a much better leader than some people think, has any dark secrets. But he should be wary of making such sweeping and simplistic denunciations of others unless he is prepared to accept the right of others to ask some awkward questions.
This attitude is more in sync with his former "the man from Del Monte" image than his new, dark-suited, serious, leader-of-men persona. Of course, he could ask Pat Rabbitte about the past.
Pat insists that no reasonable person could expect that a £5,000 donation could have influenced him in his actions as a minister. Absolutely right, but are others to get the same benefit of the doubt?
Many of Drapier's colleagues have been chuckling all week about how Nora Owen could vote in both Dublin County Council and the Dail on the famous day in 1991, but the nimble-footed Pat couldn't.
News that the UUP had postponed their council meeting for a week was greeted with disappointment by those of Drapier's colleagues who were around the House on Thursday evening.
Drapier had been most concerned at the apparent inability of the collective leadership of the UUP to muster support in advance of today's now postponed meeting.
Drapier was concerned by the apparent absence from our screens of such moderate and progressive figures as Sir Reg Empey, Dermot Nesbitt and Michael McGimpsey during the week. This effectively left the stage clear for regressives such as Jeffrey Donaldson and Willie Ross and good old-fashioned opportunists like John Taylor.
When Drapier sees and hears John Taylor he is reminded of Jim Tunney's definition of true loyalty: it is when you buy your colours going into a match, not when coming out.
Politics is about making tough choices. David Trimble and his advisers clearly decided that a week's postponement was far preferable to possible defeat and no one here would dispute that as evidenced by both Bertie Ahern and Brian Cowen's responses.
The postponement poses problems for Dublin. It is time for clear, calm and rational comment. Both Ahern and Cowen have signalled that they intend to follow that route.
If it appears that Drapier is being over-optimistic it is because the alternatives don't bear consideration. If the opportunities presented by the Hillsborough proposals and the May 7th IRA statement are missed, then Drapier fears that events might conspire to damage the process in the long term.
We will soon be facing into the marching season with all the horrors of another Drumcree standoff and Belfast's biennial "Tour of the North". By the time we reach September it is likely that much of New Labour's attention will be focused on the forthcoming election, with domestic considerations occupying more and more of Tony Blair's time.
This is truly a key moment in a process. Drapier wishes both David Trimble and his supporters well in their endeavours over the week ahead. They have a good message to sell. They have achieved a lot for their community and the people of Northern Ireland in terms of consent, silencing the guns and starting the process of normalisation.
As the results of the BBC's Hearts and Minds opinion poll demonstrate, Trimble and his supporters are more in tune with the hopes and wishes of ordinary unionists than any of his detractors.