In a recent MRBI poll, nine out of 10 Irish citizens admitted they did not understand what the Treaty of Nice was about. This is hardly a surprising result, as they have been given only 2-1/2 weeks to make an informed decision on this extremely complicated, legally binding document.
Interestingly, the Finnish Parliament is dedicating a full year to debating this treaty. Surely the people of Ireland deserve a full and open debate on the impact of the changes proposed in the Treaty of Nice upon Ireland's sovereignty and independence?
Ireland's Attorney General confirmed a referendum was necessary as we are deciding on whether to make constitutional changes which would enable the transfer of more power to Brussels. In doing so, we would reduce our sovereignty, democracy and independence. The Treaty of Nice will open the door to a European constitution and government which will take precedence over the Irish Constitution and Dail. There is a clear majority in the EU institutions supporting this goal. President Chirac and Chancellor Schroder have called for a European constitution to be decided in 2004. Preparations will start one week after we vote on June 7th, with a summit in Gothenburg. The European Parliament has voted two to one in favour of this. All of the Commission and the majority of the Council are in agreement. In addition, if we ratify the Treaty of Nice, we, the Irish people, will politically endorse the European Charter of Fundamental Rights without public or Dail debate on its content.
The Taoiseach has already politically endorsed this charter, and there is an intention to make it legally binding in a constitutional treaty in 2004, at which time an EU Court of Justice will take precedence over our Constitution and Supreme Court in any case of conflict. The charter will undermine Ireland's constitutional position on marriage, family and life. Former attorney general John Rogers highlighted this threat to marriage and family and recent information has come to light that Article 2 of the EU Charter referring to the right to life, according to an earlier case in the EU Commission of Human Rights, excludes the unborn child.
If we vote No to the treaty and therefore do not endorse this worrying charter, we will have time before the end of 2002 to debate its content fully and protect our constitutional position in such sensitive areas as cloning and euthanasia. There is a clear majority in the European institutions and parliament pushing for an EU government and constitution.
Contrary to what the Government has been saying, the Treaty of Nice is not primarily about EU enlargement. Nice is about the division of the EU into first- and second-class members. If the Treaty of Nice is rejected on June 7th, up to five applicant countries could still join the EU without the need for a new treaty.
The Treaty of Nice opens the way to an EU in which an inner circle of countries (led by France and Germany) that want to move quickly towards a federal Europe will effectively dominate the outer circle, both politically and economically.
Ireland will be in this outer circle. This is not the Europe we joined in 1973 where every nation state was equal.
The treaty increases the Council votes of the big states (Germany, France, Italy, and the UK) from 10 to 29. However, the votes of smaller states such as Ireland only increase from 3 to 7.
The Treaty of Nice also abolishes the national veto in 35 areas, such as the division of the EU into first- and second-class members, structural and cohesion funds, rules of the budget and the appointment of the Commission and Commission president.
This centralises more power in Brussels as the loss of our veto removes Ireland's ability to protect its interests and influence European decisions. Ireland's elected representation in Europe will be reduced by 20 per cent. The Treaty of Nice undermines Ireland's power to remain neutral. It militarises the EU, with areas of operation covering the EU, parts of Russia, the Middle East and Africa. Denmark, a full EU member, chose to opt out of the military provisions in a special protocol. By voting No to the Treaty of Nice on June 7th, Ireland could and should do the same.
One issue central to the question of enlargement is the review of the Common Agricultural Policy. This has not been mentioned in the treaty, yet it is of vital importance to farming and rural communities and should be further discussed before the process of greater enlargement begins.
The CAP budget of approximately £31 billion cannot be increased, yet, according to the European Commission, the agricultural workforce in an enlarged Europe will double.
The Commission states that it cannot give accurate data as to the number of farmers in the accession countries. However, there are 2.2 million farmers in Poland alone. There will also be a 50 per cent rise in the amount of agricultural land.
What preparations have been made for such a vast increase? Why has there not been extensive discussion on the effects and cost of enlargement so as to ensure fairness and equity for all?
Farming intensification and centralisation have resulted in 5,000 farmsteads disappearing in Ireland alone. What will be the future effect on family farms, not only in Ireland but also in the candidate countries?
While I support a Europe of equal nations and fair enlargement, I cannot support a federal two-tier Europe whose intended constitution will take precedence over our Irish Constitution and courts.
For these reasons, I will be voting No to the Treaty of Nice.