The two governments were in a tricky position over Sinn Fein's expulsion. Neither had any doubt, based on the information before them, that the IRA was involved in the recent killings.
They were also convinced that the Mitchell Principles had to be upheld, otherwise the talks process would be discredited forever.
A more practical political consideration was that the Ulster Unionists, never noted for excessive enthusiasm about the talks in the first place, would walk out if Sinn Fein went unpunished for the misdeeds of its paramilitary associates.
But the terms of Sinn Fein's exclusion read like a diagram for a soft landing. The document, Conclusions of the Governments on the Position of Sinn Fein in the Talks, is suffused with regret at the action Dublin and London feel is required and takes great pains to leave the door open for the party's rapid return.
We have heard much this week about Rule 29 of the talks procedures but from now on we may hear more about Paragraph 22. This concluding paragraph to the Conclusions document sets out unambiguously "the strong determination of the two governments to work with the parties to produce a settlement in the coming six weeks".
The governments have thus set themselves an end-of-March/ early-April deadline for an agreement. It is understood the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr Andrews, was especially anxious to see this commitment included in order to end the expulsion document on an upbeat, optimistic note. Talks insiders described the document, with some satisfaction, as "well-crafted".
Mr Andrews, who has been the butt of considerable criticism and even ridicule for his handling of the process, was said to have had a good week despite the difficulties. That the talks were held on his home ground suited him and his extra-parliamentary experience as a barrister was helpful in dealing with the quasi-legal nature of the proceedings.
It is understood he pressed to have it made public that the Garda Commissioner, Mr Pat Byrne, had provided his assessment of the circumstances surrounding the murders of Brendan Campbell and Robert Dougan.
The political value of this was to take some of the sting out of Sinn Fein's charge that it was being excluded on the sole word of the RUC Chief Constable, Mr Ronnie Flanagan.
The conciliatory tone and spirit of the document were also in evidence during the meeting with Sinn Fein leaders. Mr Andrews acted immediately on Mr Gerry Adams's request for a meeting with the Taoiseach: he phoned Mr Ahern on the spot and secured his consent to a meeting within days.
Despite the emollient words of the document about Sinn Fein's "very significant and genuine" efforts for peace, it is understood Dublin felt annoyance over being made to look like one of the villains of the piece by Sinn Fein's "histrionics" during the week.
At the same time, it did not escape Dublin's notice that it was not listed as a respondent in Sinn Fein's legal action against expulsion. Talks insiders said a period of calm was needed at this stage of the process.
By all accounts, Sinn Fein will not miss much during its time in purdah. The slow bicycle race will continue until the week after St Patrick's Day but then, according to sources, the talks will go into overdrive.
But this is unlikely to happen at Castle Buildings: a mountain hide-out or other secluded location is being spoken about with the dogs being set on any journalist who climbs over the back wall.
Despite the governments' efforts to let the party down gently, Sinn Fein is not at all pleased at being shown the door. Fall-out in the North was inevitable and Sinn Fein sources said they were angry because the responsibility for managing events on the streets and ensuring things did not get out of hand was being "dumped" on republicans.
There is fierce annoyance among elements of the nationalist community in the North, not all of which can be attributed to angry Sinn Fein press conferences. Some of this anger was expressed by the Irish News, not famed for its Sinn Fein sympathies. This week's Andersonstown News accuses Mr Andrews of being "patronising and insulting", slates Dublin for its "dumb acquiescence" to Dr Mo Mowlam and accuses the SDLP of watching from the sidelines with a "nothing-to-do-with-me-mate" look on its face.
Dr Mowlam's wisdom in allowing herself to be portrayed as prosecutor and judge has been quietly questioned by some talks participants. Dublin chose not to join in her initial indictment of Sinn Fein on Monday, a fact publicly noted in appreciative terms by Mr Adams.
It is understood that, by late Wednesday, Dublin confirmed what Sinn Fein must have suspected all along, that there was no hope: there was an informal bilateral meeting with the Dublin delegation that afternoon and it is believed the Taoiseach spelt out the realities in a telephone conversation with the Sinn Fein president.
Nevertheless Sinn Fein managed to turn a setback on the ground into a political and propaganda victory of sorts and independent observers believe if an election was held in the morning in the North, the party would score even greater successes than before. But observers also believe that because the governments, especially Dublin, held firm it may mean that the day when the armalite is definitively put aside in favour of the ballot-box could be a good deal closer than before.