As the Lynch government formulated its short and long-term policy on Northern Ireland during 1970, its members were in receipt of political intelligence from a number of sources, not least Irish diplomats in foreign postings.
The ambassador to London, Mr Donal O'Sullivan, was among the most important information gatherers. In late July he reported to the secretary of the then Department of External Affairs, Mr Hugh McCann, a conversation he had had with "the Northern Ireland Agent (Mr Jones) and his wife", who had enjoyed a three-hour lunch with him the previous day. This report was of special importance since the Harold Wilson government had just been replaced by Mr Edward Heath's Conservatives.
In London Mr Jones was finding it difficult to deal with many enquiries concerning the Northern Ireland government's recent announcement of a ban on all parades for six months. He had sought guidance from the Chichester-Clark administration in Belfast but found the instructions he received " `so stupid and clearly untrue' he could not even put them on the office file. He tore them up."
Mr O'Sullivan reported Mr Jones as having "no doubt" that the incoming Heath government "simply told" the unionists to issue the ban.
Mr Jones's own view was the ban would lead to further troubles; that Chichester-Clark was weakened as he was seen as "merely a tool" of London; and that he had to reluctantly admit that "the major is `completely clueless on political matters'."
Mr Jones believed it was "absolutely imperative" that there be no slowing down in the reform programme and he described Brian Faulkner as "a realist" who might indeed "be the only person in the North capable of putting the programme into full effect".
Mr O'Sullivan had mentioned at the beginning of his report that Mr Jones had initially been "quite guarded" but that he had "softened up considerably as time went on". He now added that "without any prompting" Mr Jones admitted he did not think that even full implementation of the reform program would bring peace.
"A growing number of unionists, including some in the government, would now readily admit privately `that the sands may be running out for them.' They think that an eventual solution of the constitutional problem is inevitable even though it may be a long way off."
Mr Jones then sounded out the ambassador on whether there was any possibility that " `your people would at all entertain the idea of, in some way however vague, bending your knee to the queen?' " Mr O'Sullivan informed him - assuming that an Irish return to the Commonwealth was in Mr Jones's mind - that this would be "entirely out of the question".
Both men seemed to agree that membership of the European Community by both countries might well prove a more fruitful context for improved relations.
Mr O'Sullivan reported that Mr Jones had the "highest praise" for Jack Lynch's line on Northern policy, and added that the Taoiseach was "greatly admired" by Mr Faulkner. Mr Faulkner was "above all, a pragmatist and he would, as a minimum, be all in favour of close co-operation in day-to-day matters between the North and the South".
Mr Jones feared that if the unrest continued indefinitely the North could become "an economic desert" and added that if Irish unity were to come about it was "in our interest too that the Northern economy should prosper".
Mr Jones also spoke "in the most disparaging terms" of William Craig who "he knows quite well and whom he dislikes intensely".
Mr Jones asked that their conversation should be regarded as " `purely personal, private and friendly' ", hoped that they would keep in touch and invited Mr O'Sullivan and his wife to spend a weekend at his Northumberland country cottage later that year.
Dr John Bowman is a historian and broadcaster
