Long before most of you were born, the Northern Ireland conflict, which came to be known as "the Troubles", erupted. It's hard to believe now, but in August 1969 thousands of refugees fled south from Northern nationalist areas to be housed in bleak Army camps in Gormanstown, Co Meath, and Kilworth, Co Cork.
Irish Army medics set up field hospitals along the Border to treat injured residents of besieged Catholic areas; and with passions running high, the then-Taoiseach, Jack Lynch, made a televised address to the nation warning that the government could no longer stand by as innocent people were attacked in sectarian conflict. Incredibly, men carried collection boxes for the IRA on the main streets of Dublin city.
The Irish government even called for a UN peace-keeping force to be sent to Northern Ireland. However, a sea-change would soon come about in opinion in the Republic. There were deep fears that the violence would spill over the Border and engulf the whole country. Sympathy for republicans quickly dwindled as the IRA campaign became increasingly violent and the Government forged links with the moderates like John Hume and his SDLP party. During the last 30 years or so, relations between Dublin and London have ranged from good to rocky and back again. (Dublin has invariably sought to avoid the "megaphone diplomacy" that at times prevailed during Margaret Thatcher's lengthy period as Prime Minister.)
It took many years, but Irish government involvement in the affairs of Northern Ireland has evolved from zero to participation in arrangements. For example, it has moved from the consultative role it procured in the Anglo-Irish Agreement to an enhanced position, in the Belfast Agreement, which involves it in a number of non-controversial areas such as marine, tourism and agricultural matters.
Back in 1974, a deal known as the Sunningdale Agreement included a Council of Ireland, which gave Dublin a say - enraging unionists; the agreement fell after six months. A great flood of water has passed under the bridge since then - to a point where, on April 10th, a deal was struck that includes cross-Border bodies.
The Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985 laid the foundations for this evolution.ein gaining further political support in the wake of the republican hunger strikes.
However, violence actually escalated after that agreement was signed, as Dublin moved civil servants to the North to work with their British counterparts to enforce the agreement. Under the Belfast Agreement, this arrangement comes to an end. Then, in the early 1990s, it emerged that John Hume and Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams were engaged in discussions that eventually led to the "peace process". It was designed to harness all nationalist parties in Ireland and led to the deep involvement of the Dublin government, led by Albert Reynolds.
Dublin's frozen attitude to Sinn Fein began to thaw. President Robinson went to Belfast and, away from the cameras, shook hands with Gerry Adams. Channels of communications opened to militant republicans and loyalists.
The IRA ceasefire of 1994 paved the way for Sinn Fein's entry to the political mainstream. Many hiccups followed, including the fall of the Reynolds government and the end of that ceasefire. But, eventually, Good Friday brought the deal.
As far as the parties in Leinster House could assess the deal, all sides had lost, but all had gained. There was "parity of pain". As far as the Government was concerned, this was the best deal available and the basis for the settlement that has yet to come.
Most importantly from its perspective, Dublin will have involvement in cross-Border bodies and will continue to have a consultative role in matters like security. Notwithstanding fears about the oncoming marching season and a forceful anti-Agreement campaign in Northern Ireland, the Government hopes a real settlement will follow.
