Mr Gerry Adams welcomes the "positive aspects" and the "aspirational tone" of Mr Major's statement yesterday, but he still has reservations. There is not much difficulty in understanding why. His main objection appears to be that, while promising that arms decommissioning will not be allowed to block negotiations, Mr Major has not said how this will be done. The Fianna Fail leader, Mr Ahern, has said that in his opinion, while Mr Major's statement meets Sinn Fein's requirements, he does not believe that it will in fact be enough to bring about an IRA ceasefire without clarification.
Obviously, if clarification will help, it should be given. But the main problem for Mr Adams is less about the forms of words that are used, or the substance lying behind them, than about trust. Yesterday, he said that the Ulster Unionist leader was making an issue of disarmament because "he doesn't want real talks". There is not much trust on the unionist side for Sinn Fein, even discounting the inflated nonsense from the Rev Ian Paisley. It is certainly impossible that the animosity of generations will be cleared away by June 10th. If all parties are sitting around the table on that day, one of their most essential tasks will be to begin building confidence in each other's commitment and good faith from the ground up.
In appearing to ask for more than the British prime minister said, Mr Adams can hardly expect any copper fastening that is not in place already. Mr Major, in a sense, has already addressed the question of decommissioning when he spoke about the need for "willingness among all the Northern Ireland parties to engage in genuine open dialogue" and be "committed to making a success of the negotiations and to persisting with them even when the going gets tough". That is demanded not only of Sinn Fein, but also of the unionist parties, the SDLP and Alliance. It will not be brought about simply by another declaration from Downing Street.
But the issues, as Ms Harney was right to point out, can be analysed to death, turning an opportunity for peace into a deadlocked failure. A similar process can be seen on the unionist side, where the UDP leader, Mr Gary McMichael, has been examining various events in recent weeks, such as Mr Bruton's Finglas speech, Paddy Kelly's transfer and Mr Major's statement, and warning against any dilution of the requirement for a restoration of the IRA ceasefire and requirement for Sinn Fein to subscribe unambiguously to the Mitchell principles. Suspicion cuts both ways, and delay by Sinn Fein and the IRA on their intentions inevitably has a destabilising potential.
The Sinn Fein leader is not, of course, the only player holding back. Dr Paisley's immoderate language in commenting on Mr Major's statement showed that he has learned nothing from history, and has not reflected on the changing relationships on this island and between these islands, and with Europe, which make the greatest danger consist in standing still. Confrontation has been to the benefit of no one; nor has the inflexible clinging to tradition that results in confrontation.
At a time early in the political process, Mr Adams frequently talked about his readiness to be generous, to walk the extra mile. Now, if ever, is the time to put his money on this sound course of action. He has much less than a mile to walk; he stands, with the IRA, on the edge of an historic decision, and all that remains is the political will and the courage to take it.