Keeping an eye on the Holy See

IT MIGHT be tempting at this point, in the wake of Cloyne and the Kenny broadside, when relations between this State and the …

IT MIGHT be tempting at this point, in the wake of Cloyne and the Kenny broadside, when relations between this State and the Vatican have reached their nadir, to cut the umbilical cord and close the Irish Embassy to the Holy See. Politically the Taoiseach would probably earn brownie points with an angry public that has lost patience with the behaviour of some in the church. Tempting, but Mr Kenny should hasten slowly. Megaphone diplomacy may have its place in a crisis, but for the long-term relationship, like it or not, we may still need to maintain our presence in Rome.

Ultimately the accreditation of ambassadors between states is not about friendship or approval, but a recognition of the need to manage and formalise an important level of mutual interaction, dialogue or trading interests. It may also simply be about establishing listening posts to inform our diplomacy. This country is represented abroad by 58 embassies, seven multilateral missions and 11 consulates general and other offices, many of them in countries whose political system or stance is anathema to our own. (The magnificent 17th century Villa Spada which houses the embassy to the Holy See is among the finest, but would also make a good home for our mission to Italy, housed elsewhere in Rome, the Vatican insisting on separate representation).

And, while the case is regularly made to close missions or withdraw representation temporarily because of particular disagreements or outrages, it is rarely acceded to – ministers for foreign affairs have almost invariably accepted the department’s rationale, that the State recognises other states diplomatically, not their governments, and not their policies.

That said, the Holy See is indeed an unusual case. By virtue of the willingness of the international community to recognise it as a state, and to grant it the rights of states, both to representation and legal “sovereign immunity” for its acts or, crucially, those of its servants, the Holy See enjoys a uniquely privileged status as a faith organisation. That status, jealously guarded but largely indefensible, frames its relationship with states like Ireland, making it largely immune to the courts – or official inquiries – for the actions of those it denies are its agents, the bishops, and priests of Ireland (whose complete autonomy will be news to them).

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In truth, however uncomfortable we may find this fiction, there has been and continues to be a national interest in maintaining a close relationship and dialogue with the Catholic Church at an international level. It articulates the faith of the majority of our citizens and its representatives play a crucial daily role not only in the spiritual guidance of our people, but in the education of our children and our health services.

In 2009, the McCarthy report on public spending recommended that the State’s network of embassies and consulates be reduced from 76 to 55. The scale of that cull was rejected by the department but a review is under way. It would be a mistake, however, if cost considerations tipped the argument, inflamed as it is by the current controversy, in favour of closing the Villa Spada.