As the Sinn Féin and DUP courtship dance continues, all that seems missing is a David Attenborough voice-over: "This, ladies and gentlemen, is a truly remarkable sight, writes David Adams
Here in the north-easternmost corner of Ireland the only remaining indigenous examples of politicalus extremi left in western Europe are threatening to come together and breed themselves out of existence. Quite remarkable, indeed."
Even allowing for party-positioning and agenda-setting in advance of the September talks at Leeds Castle, the most recent statements from the Sinn Féin president, Gerry Adams, and the DUP deputy leader, Peter Robinson, have indeed been encouraging.
Adams, first to set out his stall, publicly outlined the circumstances in which he feels it would be possible to bring about an end to the IRA. Though wrapped as ever in ambiguous language that has become a republican hallmark, on the face of it at least his demands didn't seem that outlandish.
They didn't include anything we haven't heard before: guaranteed stability of the political institutions; demilitarisation; full implementation of the equality and human rights agendas; and devolution of policing and security matters.
An important difference this time, though, was that when Adams spoke of the possibility of the IRA going away, he looked and sounded as if he really meant it.
Initially, his call for the devolution of policing and security matters appeared the most difficult (and potentially insurmountable) hurdle to be overcome. The appointment of Martin McGuinness and Bairbre de Brún as education and health ministers in the previous administration had almost caused apoplexy within the DUP. So Gerry Kelly as a possible minister-in-waiting for policing and justice would, you might assume, be unthinkable.
Not according to Peter Robinson, however, writing in this newspaper earlier in the week.
The DUP is as imprecise on timescale as the proverbial piece of string is on length ("with the structures and institutions settled in and the agreement consolidated") and insists that its support for a transfer of policing responsibilities is also dependent on other issues being settled first, including decommissioning and an end to paramilitary activity. Yet for the party publicly to air the possibility of sharing power with Sinn Féin , never mind laying down conditions for the devolution of policing, is considerable progress.
However, it does seem more than a little bizarre for parties to be discussing the possibility of adding extra responsibilities to an administration they have yet to prove themselves capable of operating. A bit like demanding a high-powered motorcycle before you have mastered the art of riding a push-bike - one with stabilisers, at that.
It could all prove to be little more than smoke and mirrors, of course. Both sides striving to sound serious (and even reasonable) before talks begin. Trying to ensure that when the whole thing collapses they are in a position to point the finger of blame at the other.
Is the DUP really serious about sharing power with republicans or, come September, when its terms are outlined in more detail, will it prove so demanding that agreement is impossible to reach? And, even if the leadership is serious, can it be sure of bringing the party's more fundamentalist wing with it?
Is Sinn Féin up for a deal or is this merely a continuation of the flirtatious divide-and-conquer tactic of promising much but delivering little that almost destroyed the Ulster Unionist Party? Do republicans even consider it in their long-term interest to help bring about political stability?
And even though reports last weekend of fractious meetings in south Armagh seemed just a little too engineered to be afforded much weight, there can be no doubt that delivering an end to the IRA, whatever the circumstances, will be no easy task for the republican leadership. There have been growing indications of late that Sinn Féin can no longer depend on what, to an outsider, seemed to be a previously unquestioning membership loyalty.
There have been acrimonious departures by former elected representatives, semi-public squabbles over candidate selection procedures and, most recently, an entire Sinn Féin branch in Antrim town resigning en masse from the party. Most of the disputes have been around local and personality issues, but these things often prove to be a forerunner for more serious problems within a political party.
By definition, unionism cannot afford an extended period of political uncertainty and public instability. It lends weight to the well-worn republican assertion that Northern Ireland is incapable of operating as a normal political entity. On the other hand, how much longer will the Sinn Féin support base remain patient before it begins seriously to question the worth of electoral politics and, by inference, the leadership of the party?
On balance then, it would appear to be in the interests of both Sinn Féin and the DUP to reach agreement. The only question remaining is: can each afford the price it will be required to pay?