Farmers have been one of the most pro-Europe groups in Irish society since the prospect of EEC membership emerged in the late 1960s and early 1970s. This is understandable, as agriculture is one of the few sectors of economic activity which has been substantially integrated: all EU farmers operate within the framework of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) which is mainly funded from the EU budget. As an export-dependent sector, free access to the EU market (with 370 million consumers), and access to the CAP price supports and premia payments are extremely important to farmers and our food industry.
The first issue that must be clarified is that there is no direct link between the Amsterdam Treaty and the CAP Reform II proposals, or proposals for the next round of structural funds which were recently launched by the EU Commission. These proposals, which form part of Agenda 2000, are within the framework of existing EU legislation and are not in any way dependent on the Amsterdam Treaty.
Also, the Single Currency programme is not part of the Amsterdam Treaty; it was provided for in the Maastricht Treaty agreed in 1992.
While many farmers are very concerned about the recent CAP Reform II proposals, no useful purpose would be served by voting against the Amsterdam Treaty.
The IFA has a long tradition of fighting for and defending our interests in Europe. We do this through political activity, by arguing the merits of our case and by forming alliances with the similar interests in other EU countries.
I believe we can achieve far greater results as full members of the first division team. The interests of Ireland, and of Irish farmers, are best served by being part of the inner core of a future multispeed Europe, not half-hearted Europeans.
The outcome of the CAP reform negotiations is ultimately the responsibility of the Irish Government, and the Minister for Agriculture in particular. I acknowledge that both the Taoiseach, Mr Ahern, and the Minister, Mr Walsh, have rejected the CAP Reform II proposals in their present form. The IFA will be exerting maximum pressure on the Government in the CAP reform negotiations during the next 15 months to achieve a satisfactory outcome for Ireland.
Further enlargement of the EU to the east in a major challenge for the EU's decision-making process and its institutions. While this issue has not been fully resolved by the Amsterdam Treaty, the good news for Ireland is that we will continue to have a Commissioner as of right.
As regards the other institutions, the powers of the European Parliament are being strengthened in a number of areas. For example, the parliament will now have joint decision-making powers with the Council of Ministers in major areas such as structural funds, the environment, transport and social policy.
However, as regards the CAP, the IFA holds the view that Irish farmers' interests are best served by the present system whereby the decision-making authority is the Council of Ministers. The supremacy of the Council of Ministers as regards CAP decisions is unchanged under the Amsterdam Treaty.
I am firmly convinced that a well-informed, well-focused Minister for Agriculture within the Council of 15, is in a much better position to deliver for farmers than 15 Irish MEPs spread over five separate groupings, including groupings hostile to farmers, in the 626-member European Parliament.
Further institutional change within the EU is inevitable in the future. This is a consequence of future enlargement, but also to reflect the fact that Germany, for example, has 81 million people and 10 votes in the Council, while Ireland has 3.6 million people and three votes, while Luxembourg, with a population of 400,000, has two votes.
One of the main objectives of the Amsterdam Treaty is to make Europe more relevant to people's lives. While farm families are generally well aware of the benefits of EU membership, other sectors of the economy in Ireland and across Europe may view the EU as not being very relevant to them. The treaty will give the EU a greater role in practical issues such as unemployment, equality and the fight against crime.
The EU suffers from much higher unemployment than some of its major competitors, such as the US. The Amsterdam Treaty provides for member-states to co-ordinate their employment policies, and to promote a skilled and flexible labour market and workforce to respond to economic change.
The treaty builds on existing EU equality legislation. It reinforces the principle of equal pay for equal work, and it enables the EU to introduce measures to ensure equal opportunity and equal treatment of men and women in the workforce.
As regards the fight against crime across the EU, there is some concern in Ireland that 13 of the 15 member-states have agreed to remove all passport controls on their internal borders. This is known as the Schengen Agreement which is now to be incorporated into the Amsterdam Treaty. However, the UK has decided to retain controls at its borders, and as Ireland has a Common Travel Agreement with the UK, it also opted out of the Schengen Agreement.
The Amsterdam Treaty also contains positive measures to tackle international crime, particularly drug-trafficking. There will be strict controls on people entering the external borders of the EU. Member-states will have common policies on visas, immigration and asylum seekers. There will also be closer co-ordination of national customs and police force.
As regards the sometimes emotive issue of Ireland's neutrality, it is clear the provisions in the Amsterdam Treaty on European Foreign and Security Policy do not affect Ireland's neutrality.
The treaty does not make provision for a mutual defence force commitment. It only provides the EU with a military role in specific tasks, i.e. humanitarian and rescue missions, peacekeeping and peace-making. These tasks can only be implemented by the Western European Union at the request of the EU, and are compatible with the principles of the UN, which Ireland supports.
If, in the future, Ireland wished to participate in a common EU defence, it would first have to be approved by the Irish people in a referendum.
The treaty strengthens European Foreign and Security Policy, particularly by better co-ordination than heretofore so that the EU can effectively react to a crisis. This is necessary because, for example, events in the former Yugoslavia in recent years showed that the EU was very weak in responding to a trouble spot, even in a country bordering the Union.
The prosperity of the Irish economy, and the well-being of 150,000 farm families, are inextricably linked to Ireland's membership of the EU. The EU is not static. It is constantly evolving and becoming more integrated. However, it cannot move more rapidly than the will of the people in the 15 member-states.
A Yes vote in the Amsterdam referendum on May 22nd will ensure that the EU will continue to move forward and deliver for the people of Ireland, and for the people of the Union overall. The EU is particularly important for farmers and the rural economy.
For all these reasons, I strongly recommend, to IFA members and their families, a Yes vote in the referendum.
Tom Parlon is president of the Irish Farmers' Association