An edited version of Mr David Trimble's speech to the Ulster Unionist conference.
We meet amid uncertainty. Will there be an election? When will it be? Will it lead to the restoration of Stormont? Will republicans finally do what should have been done years ago and complete the transition to peace and democracy?
The \ government must make it absolutely clear that as far as they are concerned the next few years will not be like the past. That there will be no excuses for paramilitary violence such as "internal house-keeping" - that foot dragging on decommissioning, on commitments to peace and democracy, will not be tolerated.
Which of course brings me to the question of what is required for a restoration of the Assembly. In our Ulster Unionist Council resolution in September 2002 we said it had to be clear that the transition to peace and democracy was "proceeding to a conclusion". In its declaration this April, the government said that "it must be clear that the transition . . . is being brought to an unambiguous and definitive conclusion." Our party executive, in its comprehensive resolution on the Joint Declaration "emphatically endorsed" that statement.
That resolution also called for acts of completion from republicans. But we did not, as some suggest, say that every jot and tittle must be complete before we would proceed. Neither the government's formula nor ours say that everything must be done first. Rather both envisage a sense that paramilitarism is coming to an end soon. And perhaps the most important aspect of that sense is an acknowledgement by republicans that the Belfast Agreement is a settlement - that it provides the full and final closure of the conflict. I came across some recent focus group opinion research that interestingly looked particularly at the views of working class Protestants and anti-agreement unionists. Its key finding was, "the war is over, but the battlefield needs clearing up". A huge part of clearing up is being honest and candid, but also being charitable.
Republicans know what has to be done. It has been absolutely clear since April. They need to make their mind up.
But then comes the concern, what concessions are republicans demanding for their good behaviour? There is, linked to the Joint Declaration, a repeat of the proposals concerning fugitives from justice, the so-called OTRs. A foolish promise made by the Prime Minister at Hillsborough in 2000, when he had not been fully advised. We have so far successfully blocked that, and, if the Liberal Democrats retain a shred of their integrity, will continue to do so.
No reasonable person objects to human rights, equality of opportunity and normalisation. These are matters, referred to in the declaration, which, if handled properly, would not appear to the man in the street as concessions.
The matter which republicans have raised most often is policing and justice. Their desire is to see early devolution of these matters. In principle we too want devolution and would hope to see that happen within the lifetime of the next Assembly.
The public needs to be sure that the Assembly and its ministers, individually and collectively, are capable of handling these responsibilities.
Acts of completions would address the issue of durability. Support for policing, and participation on the Policing Board, which are part of the working out of these acts, would further build the necessary confidence. But I have to underline that it is simply absurd for people to have any responsibility for policing if they are linked to a private army. So, much as we would like to see it, we cannot support the devolution of policing until Sinn Féin have resolved to support the police and the IRA have taken the inevitable step, consequent on such support, to wind up, or transmute their organisation into something entirely peaceful and democratic. So any timescale for devolution is a timescale for these other matters.
If there is an election then you can be sure that the DUP will launch a vicious attack on us. But have you noticed while we have been negotiating how quiet the DUP have been? This is the party that now says it wants to negotiate. But when there is a negotiation going on it has nothing to say. They can't just say they're against it all. If they are against everything there is nothing to negotiate. The loudness of the DUP campaign is to divert attention from the truth they cannot tell.
It is traditional to appeal for party unity. Our biggest problem is the mixed message, the constant infighting. Only a fortnight ago we made considerable efforts at the Executive to agree a position. In doing so we were making it easier for the three MPs to resume the whip. Now they refuse. They say Roy \ is unreasonable in asking them abide by the whip.
In September the Ulster Unionist Council called on them to take the whip and abide by its decisions. They may also recall that when they were selected they undertook, and I quote. "I will join the Ulster Unionist Parliamentary Party and accept the Ulster Unionist party Whip . . . I will support fully the policies and objectives of the Ulster Unionist Party."
Gentlemen, would you please decide whether you prefer to be independent members or if you really do want to be part of a political party.
I am proud of this party. I am proud to lead it. I believe that what we are doing secures the Union, serves the interests of everyone in Northern Ireland, and we do that best by being ourselves, Simply British.