AFTER RULING Gaza for four deadly and dangerous years, Hamas is reportedly considering a new political strategy involving participation in political affairs but not in future governments, according to senior Hamas sources speaking to the Associated Press.
If such a strategy is adopted, Hamas may not be an active partner in the unity government set to be established under the Egyptian-sponsored reconciliation agreement.
A government of technocrats, nominated by Hamas and its rival Fatah, which administers Palestinian enclaves in the West Bank, was due to be formed on June 6th but did not emerge due to squabbling over portfolios.
The chief bone of contention remains the office of prime minister, which President Mahmoud Abbas of Fatah has insisted should go to incumbent Salam Fayyad, seen by Hamas as Washington’s man. Other credible candidates have been proposed but not accepted by Mr Abbas, who is determined to exercise control of policy whether as head of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), president, or nominator of the premier.
Hamas does not want to be seen as a pretext for Western isolation of such a government or as a reason for donors to halt financial aid to the Palestinian Authority, which could collapse without external funding.
If Hamas follows through with this strategy, the movement would field candidates for local government and the legislature but not the presidency. Such a policy could signify that the movement would revert, at least in part, to the practice predating its 2006 parliamentary election victory, which was rejected by Fatah and the international community.
The Quartet – comprising the US, UN, EU and Russia – demanded that, to gain the right to participate in Palestinian governance, Hamas had to end violence against Israel, recognise Israel and accept agreements negotiated between Israel and the PLO.
The movement has, in practice, agreed indirectly to these demands by agreeing to a long-term ceasefire, accepting a Palestinian state in Gaza, East Jerusalem and the West Bank – thereby recognising the existence of Israel in 78 per cent of geographic Palestine – and respecting deals negotiated by the PLO. Hamas’s positions on these issues have been ignored by the Quartet and Israel.
As its price for eschewing ministries, Hamas is seeking admission to the Fatah-dominated PLO and the preservation of its security forces. For Hamas, membership in the PLO could be an important tool for participating in the shaping of Palestinian policy.
Since the movement seized control of Gaza in June 2007, it has also discovered that governance can be difficult and politically diminishing, particularly since the strip has been militarily besieged and economically boycotted by Israel.
In consequence, 80 per cent of Gaza’s impoverished 1.5 million citizens have grown increasingly poor and frustrated. Hamas has met with resentment when over-zealous adherents have tried to impose strict Muslim codes of dress and behaviour and has been blamed for Israel’s attacks.
Palestinian militants determined to resist Israel’s occupation by force criticise the movement for imposing a ceasefire on groups based in Gaza and argue that Hamas should not follow the example of Fatah by opting for what have so far been fruitless negotiations.
The new strategy would allow the movement to participate fully in Palestinian political affairs without turning it into either a ruling or an opposition party. Hamas would also be able to claim it had not given up on its role as a resistance organisation and, if Fatah’s efforts to govern and make peace failed, could revert to armed struggle.