Time to tackle reasons for choosing abortion

Well, uno duce una voce this Government is not. Under Bertie Ahern, the Government seems to operate more on the something-for-everyone-in-the-audience principle, whether it be on Nice or, in the latest case, on the possibility of an abortion referendum.

Whether we are to accept the Ahern, Martin or Harney line on the likelihood of an abortion referendum in the near future, one thing is certain: this issue will not go away. It has not gone away in any country in the world. Even in countries like Britain, where an estimated 5,450,000 abortions have taken place in the 33 years since it was legalised, it still arouses passion and debate.

Which is exactly as it should be because it is literally a question of life and death.

Certain issues allow us to see with sometimes painful clarity how well a society lives up to the rhetoric of inclusion and solidarity. They nearly always revolve around the vulnerable, such as those who are out of home or who have a disability. How we regard abortion, and how we treat those who find themselves in sufficient distress to feel that it is their only choice, is one of those key issues.

In Ireland, the debate had a somewhat different flavour than it has had in other parts of the English-speaking world. Elsewhere, the debate was driven by a particularly dated version of feminism, which insisted that the rights of women had to be exercised at the expense of the rights of the next generation.

Here, in a sense, the debate happened in reverse because it was driven by those who abhorred abortion.

Ideological advocates of a woman's right to choose were, and are, a rare species in Ireland. It is true that they may hold key positions, for example in trade unions, whose leaderships hold pro-choice positions on behalf of memberships who have never been canvassed for their views.

If the membership had been consulted, they would probably fall into the same category as most Irish people. They are deeply uneasy about pro-choice rhetoric which seems so blithely to dismiss the momentous import of choosing to end a life as a solution to a crisis. On the other hand, they are sympathetic to the dilemma which women find themselves in and wonder uneasily what they would do in similar circumstances.

Abortion was lumped in with other elements of the so-called liberal agenda but never garnered the same support. And since so many other elements of that agenda have been achieved, the difference between it and other aspects of that agenda can be more clearly seen.

This is not about individuals maximising personal choice. Abortion is about finding that society does not make space for those who are in crisis, but instead allows them the wonderful privilege of sorting it all out by ending the new life in their wombs.

The Irish distaste for ideological advocacy of abortion was reflected in the great anger at the Women on Waves project. Mind you, that project scored a classic own goal by unwittingly revealing the dehumanising aspect of abortion. It was very difficult to see how being taken out to sea to have an operation in an industrial-style container could be liberating for anyone.

Equally, there was deep anger among rank-and-file medical practitioners at the clumsy attempted coup by some members of the Medical Council. Trying to overthrow ethical guidelines which are strongly antiabortion, and which were arrived at by extensive consultation of the membership, was at the very least anti-democratic. Doctors are the ones who have to refer for or carry out abortions.

The attempt by some members of the council to change the ethical guidelines by two motions tabled without notice was arrogant indeed.

It is axiomatic that politicians never trouble till it troubles them. And abortion screams trouble in metre-high letters.

First, in a way which is completely unrepresentative of its audience, the media are almost monolithically opposed to an abortion referendum, and will do everything in their power to prevent one happening. Heaven forbid that the great unwashed have an opportunity to vote - good God, they might do a Nice on us. Meanwhile, the media will continue to harrumph at every available opportunity about the growing democratic deficit in our society.

Secondly, the wisdom of Solomon will be needed to ensure that current medical practice is enshrined in law. The electorate have no desire to see abortion on demand here. However, they are concerned that what currently holds true, that no women's lives are endangered, will continue to be the case.

Why is there no mass movement among women who have had abortions demanding a liberal abortion regime? I suspect that may be because many women know that it is a desperate choice and would prefer to see a society where abortion is never the least bad option.

The All-Party Oireachtas Committee report on the abortion hearings made a commitment to tackle the underlying causes of women choosing abortion. This represents an opportunity for the Government to do something truly progressive, to invest substantial resources into discovering the reasons why women choose abortion and to tackle them.

It is not true that an abortion referendum is just a case of NIMBY - Not In My Back Yard. The law functions as an ideal and has an influence in that regard. Rejecting abortion as a solution to crisis by enshrining a ban in our Constitution is worthwhile because of that. But it will remain simply aspirational and a mockery of the distress felt by those in crisis until practical supports are given to reduce the numbers of unwanted pregnancies.

Bertie Ahern may claim that the Cabinet's agenda is too crowded to discuss a referendum. Yet if it is too crowded to start a process of trying to reduce the numbers of crisis pregnancies, this Government is even more out of touch than we suspected.

bobrien@irish-times.ie