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Stephen Collins: Common sense must prevail in Brexit fisheries row

If fishing symbolises emotional appeal of Brexit, it also exposes the contradictions

It is hard to believe that a dispute over fishing rights could stand in the way of a trade deal between the European Union and United Kingdom, given the miniscule contribution the industry makes to the economy of both sides.

Yet as one Brussels wag put it: “Never underestimate the impact of gross emotional product on international relations.”

Of course the whole Brexit project is an emotional rather than a rational exercise and fishing rights have been central to it from the start. The notion that British fishermen have seen their stocks plundered by foreigners since they joined the EU has become an article of faith for Brexiteers.

French president Emmanuel Macron has recently joined the emotional battle by threatening to upend any free trade agreement unless French fishermen continue to enjoy their traditional right to fish in British waters.

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Fishermen from Spain and France have continued to fish in the Celtic Sea and the waters off the west coast of Ireland unless interrupted by war or weather to the present day

The fact is that trawlers from other European countries have been fishing the waters around Britain and Ireland for hundreds of years and were doing so when both countries joined the then EEC [European Economic Community] in 1973. Just how far back into the mists of time disputes over fishing rights go is illustrated by an Act passed by the Irish parliament nearly 500 years ago.

During the reign of Henry VIII a long session of the parliament began in Dublin in May 1536 and then continued in Kilkenny, Cashel and Limerick, before concluding in Dublin in December 1537.

The main business of the parliament was to endorse Henry’s strategy of cutting his ties with Rome, as well as cutting off the head of Anne Boleyn. The main thrust of a Bill containing “certayne articles for the King’s advauntage, the common wele of the land and reformacon” was to establish him as head of the Church in Ireland. However, the first article in the legislation did not deal with the great political question of the day, or the fate of his queen, but the activities of foreign fishing vessels in Irish waters.

“Furste where the Fysshyng of Ireland is a great Commiditie and proffyt as taking great habundaunce of Salmonds lynges hake heryngs and other Fysshes Which strangers and alyents [aliens] haunte and carry away with theme into aliene Regians as to Espayne Bryttayne Normandy Scotland and other places . . . And that noo ship balyngar or pyccard presume to Fysshe unto suche tyme as First the Maister and merchauntes enter their ship in the Kings Custume [custom] bokes and before theire departying make true entre of all theire loading And pay the kings Custume for the same.”

The Act confirms that fishing fleets from Spain and France were active in the waters around these islands in the time of Henry VIII and probably for long before that. Spanish records fom the 16th century show that they landed their catch at harbours in west Cork and Kerry, where the fish were cured before being transported home. Fishermen from Spain and France have continued to fish in the Celtic Sea and the waters off the west coast of Ireland unless interrupted by war or weather right up to the present day.

‘Cod wars’

Until the 1960s there was only a three-mile limit to protect inshore fishing. It was introduced back in 1702 as the estimated range of a cannon ball and remained the international standard until the late 1950s when Iceland introduced a 12-mile limit to protect its stocks from the British fishing fleet.

That started the so called “cod wars” which went on for nearly two decades. Iceland pushed the limit up to 200 miles in 1976 and the British fishing industry was devastated. In response the UK declared a 200-mile limit and Ireland followed suit.

By the time this happened both countries were in the EEC and subject to the common fisheries policy so the fishermen from the other member states were entitled to operate inside the UK 200-mile limit.

Common sense dictates that an agreement to allow EU fishermen access to British waters with mutually agreed quotas will ultimately emerge

This allowed Spanish and French vessels to operate in British and Irish waters and UK fishermen to fish in Danish and Dutch waters.

The problem facing all of the EU countries was the dramatic decline in stocks due to overfishing. Adoption of the common fisheries policy with quotas and strict seasons for fishing certain species was not popular with fishermen in any EU country but it was necessary to prevent the destruction of fish stocks in European waters.

The UK fishing industry, which had already been in serious decline after the closure of the Icelandic fishery, blamed EU policies for its plight and enthusiastically supported the Brexit campaign.

If fishing symbolises the emotional appeal of Brexit, it also exposes the contradictions at the heart of it. The Brexiteers want to ban EU vessels from fishing in their waters but about 70 per cent of the UK catch is exported to the EU. The future of the UK fishing industry is utterly dependent on a deal even if that reality is taking time to sink in.

Common sense dictates that an agreement to allow EU fishermen access to British waters with mutually agreed quotas will ultimately emerge. It is certainly in Ireland’s interest that the row over fishing does not scupper a wider free-trade deal.