ASSESSMENT:FitzGerald's goal was nothing less than the transformation of society in the Republic
GARRET FITZGERALD lacked political guile and cunning. That, along with a modest lifestyle, was probably his greatest attraction because it differentiated him so plainly from his immediate political rival, Charles Haughey. Any taoiseach who appeared in public wearing different coloured socks needed minding. And the public warmed to this absent-minded professor image. Behind the image, however, lay a sharp intellect and driving ambition.
You don’t become party leader or taoiseach without purpose. His project involved nothing less than the transformation of society in the Republic. This political ambition placed him in the camp of Declan Costello and an up-and-coming minority within Fine Gael that supported a “Just Society”.
Elected to the Dáil in 1969, his energy in debate and at question time antagonised colleagues who were part-time, Law Library politicians. Joe Leneghan famously remarked that, in the Dáil chamber, he was “up and down like a whore’s knickers”.
The scale of the challenge FitzGerald posed to the established order became clear when, in 1972, he published Towards a New Irelandin which he considered the kinds of political and administrative change required on both sides of the Border to bring that objective about. He argued that EEC membership would help to end domination of Irish trade by Britain and provide the State with extended and healthier marketplaces that would generate national confidence.
Promotion of liberal Catholicism through changes in the laws on censorship, contraception and divorce would, FitzGerald suggested, help to reassure unionists. The special position accorded to the Catholic Church in the Constitution should be removed. A requirement to speak Irish to secure employment should change. And the prospect of a “special relationship” with Britain, involving a future federal Ireland, should be pursued.
This agenda was unacceptable to many within a deeply conservative Fine Gael party, and Liam Cosgrave regarded it as a challenge to his leadership. Exiled to the Department of Foreign Affairs from 1973 to 1977, he performed exceptionally well, escaped blame for the economic downturn and was well positioned to become party leader when the Fine Gael/Labour Party government eventually fell. On becoming leader of Fine Gael, he appointed key individuals who promoted talent over time-servers and encouraged new ideas. In the process, divisions between the liberal and conservative wings widened.
Efforts to prevent the rezoning activity of some Fine Gael councillors, who were combining with their Fianna Fáil counterparts in reaching dubious planning decisions, were shrugged off. It was a harbinger of things to come. A lack of forcefulness, or political ruthlessness, in FitzGerald’s make-up appeared to be an integral part of his DNA. He hated direct, personal challenges. His academic background, his fascination with ideas and a tendency to lecture were ridiculed by political opponents. “That was fine in practice,” they parodied, “but does it work in theory?”
Both of his governments were dominated by economic crises.
His first one lasted only a matter of months. Dependent on votes from Independent TDs, it fell following a huge political miscalculation and a lack of consultation involving an attempt to tax clothing and children’s shoes.
The second one, also involving a coalition with the Labour Party, struggled on for four years against virulent Fianna Fáil negativity before reductions in public spending and other cutbacks finally sundered the parties. Interminable cabinet meetings at which little was achieved became the stuff of gossip.
A New Ireland Forum was established to explore the various forms of association that might emerge on the island. Unionists refused to participate and Haughey promoted Irish unity as the only acceptable outcome. When Margaret Thatcher delivered her “Out, Out, Out” response to the various options, he was publicly humiliated.
But FitzGerald kept his nerve and, with perseverance and a great deal of hard work behind the scenes, the Anglo Irish Agreement was secured in 1985. The agreement provided a mechanism for consultation between the Irish and British governments regarding the governance of Northern Ireland. It was repudiated by Ulster Unionists and the Democratic Unionist Party but it eventually led to the peace process and the Downing Street Declaration of 1993.
Earlier, efforts to provide for divorce by way of a constitutional referendum were opposed internally and eventually defeated. Similarly, he was wrong-footed and outmanoeuvred on the issue of abortion when a contentious amendment was made to the Constitution.
The economic gloom that pervaded the State towards the end of this second coalition government and the negative politics espoused by Haughey provided a fertile element for the formation of the Progressive Democrats. FitzGerald may not have anticipated the threat posed by these disaffected Fianna Fáil politicians. In any event, that misjudgment cost Fine Gael dearly in the subsequent election and FitzGerald resigned as party leader.
Paradoxically, his contribution to public life as a columnist, broadcaster and academic may outweigh his achievements as a politician. Away from the pressures and economic difficulties of government, he encouraged politicians and public servants to engage in best practice. He was scathing of vote-buying at election time and of the handling of the economy and the national finances since 1997. A gradual loss of competitiveness since 2001 was of particular concern and it was an issue he returned to repeatedly in this newspaper.
FitzGerald’s recollections of the time he had spent in government and the importance of decisions taken there developed a rosy hue in later years. But fundamental attitudes persisted: politicians and public services existed to serve the public; the creation of a just society was a challenging goal; and the ideas contained in “Towards a New Ireland” remained a work in progress.
DENIS COGHLANwas on the political staff of The Irish Timesfrom 1973 to 2002