The bottom line on Blair

During the 2002 Irish Labour Party Leadership contests, Tony Blair received considerably more criticism from some candidates …

During the 2002 Irish Labour Party Leadership contests, Tony Blair received considerably more criticism from some candidates than that afforded to their actual opponents. However, on the evidence in this book, Tony Blair is not the devil incarnate that many on the Left make him out to be.

Better or Worse? is an analysis of Labour's second term and the sequel to Did Things Get Better?, the same authors' book on Tony Blair's first term. The conclusion? New Labour delivered. Twice.

Yet, if this is an audit of Labour's performance, it is an explicitly value-laden one. The authors are both Guardian contributors. The hurdles set for New Labour are left wing hurdles.

Despite the spin and the spats the authors portray Blair's government as a decent, if timid, outfit working towards a traditional socialist aim - the alleviation of poverty and the provision of first class public services. The irony is not that opponents of Blair's Labour don't portray the government in this way, neither does the government itself!

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The New Labour paradox is that it is more old Labour than it is prepared to admit.

Why is this so? The authors argue that Labour is afraid of energising its base for fear of upsetting "middle England". Taking flack from your own side is better than losing to your enemies is the position that Gordon Brown and Blair have both accepted.

On that point, the authors aren't convinced. Labour's lack of ambition hurts Labour. By distancing itself from traditional Labour ideals as often as it does, new Labour undermines confidence in itself. Its caution plays into the hands of the Tory tabloids. If Labour evangelised more and was honest about tackling issues like equality the British people would respond to the party's achievements more enthusiastically.

Were Blair to respond directly he would undoubtedly point to the electoral record of parties advocating tax rises and point to even the possibility of Labour winning an unprecedented third term as the clinching argument in the debate.

Recent polls showing a declining Labour lead over the Conservatives are causing jitters however. The unpopularity of the war in Iraq, voter fatigue with Blair himself and a belief that the Tories cannot win may lead to Labour voters not turning out or possibly switching to the Liberal Democrats in the imminent election .

Whether by accident or design, probably the former, this book meets that problem head on. The book is adorned by a sticker which says "Read it before you vote". It is almost a plea to the Labour inclined that they have much to be proud of, if only they knew it.

Labour's successes in health ("palpable"), education ("steady improvement"), crime ("creditable") and fairness ("accomplished more than anyone expected") are outlined. These are the substance of the argument that this is a traditional social democratic Government at work.

New Labour's obsession with targets and goals is exhaustively dealt with. To ensure taxpayers' money is not being wasted, targets have been deployed across the public service. A simple rule applies - what goes in must be measured coming out.

This approach has not found favour with the Left in Ireland although hinted at in Labour's 2002 manifesto. Yet for those committed to funding additional public services, it remains a key dilemma. How would the New Labour approach affect attitudes to health spending in this country is an obvious question. In education, is there a cost attached to the successful depiction by Irish teachers' unions of tables and targets as crude and ineffective yardsticks?

This is by no means a hagiographical account of the last seven years. Labour's efforts on the environment are given particularly short shrift, though they are better than our own in key areas like greenhouse gas reduction.

The chapter on foreign policy is hopelessly confused. The Iraq war ("its darkness occludes everything") is attacked because a progressive foreign policy is not possible in coalition with George W Bush. Yet there is no drum beating for UN mandates, the Kosovo intervention is approved of and Blair's European protagonists, Chirac and Schroder, dismissed. The authors seem keen on Blairite interventionism but less clear on how it is viable without engaging the United States.

Nor is there any great credence given to the perception that Blair and Brown represent opposite sides of the Labour family. Brown's infatuation with the US, it is pointed out, surpasses Blair's. In a nice take, Brown is described as aspiring to be Lloyd George to Blair's Asquith rather than Jim Callaghan to Harold Wilson.

The message for the British voters is clear. Labour could, indeed should, do better but if you're thinking of voting for that nice Mr Kennedy then don't, there is too much at stake. The lesson for the Irish left might be to take the Blair project a little more seriously,

Ronan O'Brien was chef de cabinet to Ruairí Quinn as Labour Party leader

Better or Worse? Has Labour Delivered? By Polly Toynbee & David Walker Bloomsbury, 346pp. £7.99