The revolt in Syria has taken a toll on Lebanon. Ill-feeling to Alawites is simmering dangerously
A STIFF western wind blows in from the Mediterranean, white caps roll in, crashing on the shore not far from the port where Jamil Safieh used to work facilitating the transit of goods from Lebanon to the Arab hinterland. As we sit in a simple cafe over small cups of Turkish coffee, he describes the situation here since the troubles began in Syria.
“Before the Syrian revolt, things were not bad. The worldwide economic crisis did not affect us. Commerce here is local. But over the past year, the flow of goods through Syria to Iraq, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf has fallen dramatically due to the lack of security in Syria. Beans, lentils and clothes are no longer coming from Turkey.”
Sanctions forced Syrian merchants who had money in banks here to withdraw it in cash and carry it in bags across the border. The collapse of the Syrian pound means Syrians cannot afford to come here.
“Lebanese who used to go to Syria to buy cheap clothing and food cannot go there because of fighting, kidnapping and killing.
“Syria stopped selling us electricity, oil and gas, so the price of electricity has doubled. Power is cut eight hours a day. The cost of cooking gas has doubled. Real estate prices have fallen by 15 per cent.
“Syrians who have money are buying apartments here, like in Beirut. Unemployment has risen. The atmosphere is low, there is less money, less business.”
Relations between the Sunni and heterodox Shia Alawite communities in Tripoli are fine.
“We have no problems. We have been living together since the 1930s, when they became citizens. Historically, the Sunnis employed Alawites [who were originally from Syria] as labourers and maids, but they have bettered themselves. We do business together, intermarry.”
However, since former premier Rafik Hariri was assassinated in 2005, militant puritan Salafis inspired by Saudi Arabia appeared on the Tripoli scene.
The Future movement, now led by his son, Saad Hariri, has been encouraging them with the aim of exploiting anti-Syrian feeling.
“Many of these people feel Alawites are agents of the Syrian regime,” observes Safieh.
“Future buses outsiders in for demonstrations. Poor people from the Akkar come to Tripoli. They have money, drugs and guns.
“The youth who don’t remember the civil war are ready to fight again. If there is to be a civil war in this region, it will start here before Syria, because there are so many people fuelling it. Tripoli is the front line.”
Safieh blames former Maronite Christian warlord Samir Geagea, the Salafis, the Saudis and Future.
Fortunately, there are key players who are keeping the peace for the time being, including Maronite patriarch Beshara al-Rai.
“The army is controlling the factions now and the local Alawites are organised and armed. Hizbullah is trying to maintain the balance.”
The saving grace, he says, is factionalism among radical Salafis.
“Before they fight the Alawites they will fight each other.”
