Safiya Gadafy seems to have been key to the kinship between Libya and the former Yugoslavia, writes DANIEL MCLAUGHLIN
AS REBELS and Nato bombs bore down on him, fugitive Libyan leader Muammar Gadafy issued an appeal to the world through an unlikely channel last week.
Former Croatian president Stipe Mesic announced that he could “confirm first hand that Gadafy was ready to completely withdraw from public life and politics and that he promised firmly that there would not be any obstacles to the introduction of a multiparty system or reforms, on condition that Nato attacks stopped”.
Mesic, who stepped down last year after leading Croatia for a decade, conveyed the “personal verbal message” to the US, Russian and Chinese ambassadors in Zagreb, but it did not halt Nato air strikes or save Gadafy’s wife and three of his children from having to flee Libya.
Gadafy’s mysterious wife appears to be the strongest of his many links to former Yugoslavia, and they may have helped Mesic forge what he called “good connections in Libya and good contacts with Libyan president Gadafy and especially with [his] prime minister, who studied in our country”. The premier, Al Baghdadi Ali al-Mahmoudi, escaped to Tunisia this month.
Though officially Libyan-born and called Safiya, Croatian and Hungarian media say Gadafy’s wife is actually Sofija Farkas, a Bosnian Croat from Mostar, where she met her future husband when he was studying at a Yugoslav military base in the years before he seized control of Libya in a 1969 coup.
She became his second wife shortly after he took power and bore him seven children, the oldest of which is the notorious Saif al-Islam, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity.
Farkas is a common Hungarian name, meaning “wolf”, and Safiya’s grandfather was reportedly Ivan Farkas, a minor official of Hungarian origin who was posted to Mostar when Bosnia was part of the Austro-Hungarian empire.
Gadafy’s Libya fostered close relations with the Yugoslavia of Josip Broz Tito. He became an enthusiastic member of the Non-Aligned Movement that Tito championed and a hungry consumer of the weapons his regime produced. Yugoslav engineers are thought to have had a hand in building secret bunkers for Gadafy, as they did for Tito and Saddam Hussein in Iraq.
Tripoli was a staunch supporter of nationalist Serb leader Slobodan Milosevic during the 1990s Yugoslav wars, and Gadafy sent him oil in breach of a UN embargo. In return, Belgrade shipped arms to Libya and helped upgrade its infrastructure and military hardware.
Before its collapse, Yugoslavia made billions of dollars every year from the international arms trade, particularly from weapons sales to countries that were shunned by western powers such as Libya, Iraq and Burma.
While Serbia, Bosnia and Croatia are still occasionally accused of failing to halt black-market arms sales to so-called pariah states, they have also sought to profit from their links with Gadafy by expanding their legal commercial interests. Senior politicians from former Yugoslav states have regularly joined business delegations to Tripoli in recent years.
While condemning his crackdown on opponents and broadly supporting military action against Gadafy, Balkan business leaders now fear they could lose Libyan contracts worth hundreds of millions of euro that were personally approved by Gadafy or his inner circle.