TO GET a sense of the historical roots of China’s current engagement with Africa, the Tazara train station in Dar es Salaam is a good place to start.
In the airy terminus building a huge map, marked in English and Mandarin, tracks the 1,800km (1,118-mile) Tazara rail line linking Tanzania and Zambia which was built with Chinese assistance in the late 1960s. Outside, traders unload boxes of Chinese-made electronics, furniture, paints and bicycles – all bound for Zambia.
It was in the Zambian capital, Lusaka, earlier this month that US secretary of state Hillary Clinton reignited the debate over China’s growing push into Africa.
“We saw that during colonial times, it is easy to come in, take out natural resources, pay off leaders and leave . . . And when you leave, you don’t leave much behind for the people who are there. We don’t want to see a new colonialism in Africa,” she told a local TV channel.
Clinton also expressed concern that China’s foreign assistance and investment practices in Africa have not always been consistent with international norms of transparency and good governance. Beijing shrugged off the remarks, as did many in Africa.
"I don't think this is a new colonialism," Mozambique's prime minister, Aires Ali, told T he Irish Timeslast week. "Europe and the United States are co-operating with China – why should we not co-operate with [China]? We must build the relationship so that we have a win-win situation. It is not a problem . . . I am happy with the relationship with China."
China’s relationship with Africa last year amounted to almost $115 billion (€80 billion) in bilateral trade, making it the continent’s largest trading partner.
Chinese direct investment in Africa has increased from less than $500 million in 2003 to more than $9 billion in 2009.
Beijing’s interest in Africa is not just about access to natural resources or markets, it is also about political influence and diplomatic support.
“In today’s world, every country is strategically important,” says China’s ambassador to Malawi when asked why Beijing had courted the tiny, resource-poor southern African state. The Malawian government obliged by agreeing to cut diplomatic relations with Taiwan in 2008.
Unease over China’s expanding presence in Africa is not limited to western governments worried about losing influence. “I don’t see China as some sort of devil but I think African countries need to be careful about how they deal with the Chinese to make sure we are not exploited,” says one Mozambican aid worker.
Many are concerned that Beijing’s “no strings” approach could undermine efforts to improve governance and root out corruption. “China’s hard-nosed economic development model, with its apparent disregard for some of the core values of western societies – issues such as democracy, human rights and citizens’ participation – offers an alternative to African governments,” says Hans Zomer, director of Dóchas, an umbrella group of more than 40 Irish aid agencies and development organisations.
“The jury is out on whether this is good or bad. What is certain is that it will be a force to be reckoned with, and that its model is likely to be very popular with African governments, but likely to be strongly resented by the ordinary people in those countries.”
China’s deepening engagement with Africa is one of the most important – and powerful – dynamics shaping the continent today. As a result, it will play into the relationship Ireland has with Africa, whether through its overseas aid programme or efforts to develop stronger trade and business links with the continent’s rapidly growing economies.
On his recent visit to Tanzania, Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs Eamon Gilmore, when asked about Clinton’s comments, did not mention China by name but argued no one should have a “colonial approach” to Africa.
“The approach that countries have to relations with Africa needs to be respectful of African governments and their needs and wishes,” he said.
“The competition for influence is obviously something that is at play, and that is why I think it is so important that Ireland and other European countries are involved in a positive and constructive way with African governments.”
During her visit to Malawi and Mozambique last week, Minister of State for Trade and Development Jan O’Sullivan saw many signs of China’s growing presence, from Chinese-built parliament buildings, ministries, hotels and airport terminals to shops and other Chinese-run businesses in small, rural towns.
She takes a sanguine view of this Sino-African engagement. “I don’t think this is a case of some big strong country coming in from outside taking advantage of naïve governments . . . I think African governments have become a bit more sophisticated than they would have been in the past and I think the influence of countries like Ireland has helped them to be stronger in terms of how they deal with countries like China.”
O’Sullivan played down concerns that China’s policy of “non-interference” in Africa could make it more difficult for Ireland and other donor governments to press governance issues. “I think [it is] a matter for African countries. I don’t think we can dictate to them on how they relate to other countries,” she said.
“I think we have to continue to behave like Europeans. We believe in human rights, responsibility, good governance – I’m not saying the Chinese don’t believe in at least some of those – and I think we have to maintain our values and the relations we have with African countries.”